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Semantic approaches to the study of denominal parasynthetic verbs in Spanish

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Abstract

This paper puts forward an analysis of Spanish denominal parasynthetic verbs based on the assumption that these formations express an event of change (either of state or of location), and that their meaning depends on three elements: the type of noun they incorporate, the directionality encoded by the prefix, and the kind of internal argument they select. In order to carry out such an analysis, two semantic theories of lexical decomposition have been used: Jackendoff’s (1983, 1990) model of Conceptual Semantics and Pustejovsky’s (1995) theory of the Generative Lexicon. The first model allows us to classify the verbs under study from the standpoint of their lexical-conceptual structure, which makes evident the structural parallelisms existing in their meaning. On the other hand, the model developed by Pustejovsky gives us the opportunity to explore some additional aspects related to the compositional meaning of these formations, enabling us to demonstrate the relevance of the internal argument in relation to the (regular and irregular) polysemy of these constructions.

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Notes

  1. In these structures “N” stands for “nominal base”.

  2. Traditional studies usually interpret parasynthetic verbs as ternary structures where a prefix and a verbalizing suffix are simultaneously adjoined to a lexical base (see Reinheimer-Ripeanu 1974; Serrano-Dolader 1995, 1999). Other authors have suggested the existence of a discontinuous affix which involves both the prefix and the verbalizing suffix (Bosque 1983). Theory-based approaches, concerned with the Binary Branching Hypothesis postulated by Aronoff (1976), claim that parasynthetic verbs are not created by the simultaneous adjunction of the prefix and the suffix, but that they involve an intermediate stadium [prefix-base] (Alcoba 1987) or [base-verbalizing suffix] (Scalise 1984:204). Corbin (1980, 1987) argues for the transcategorial power of the prefix and denies the existence of a proper parasynthetic process. Since it is not our intention to discuss the problems involved in the notion of parasynthesis, we will assume the traditional perspective, understanding parasynthetic verbs as ternary structures. For an exhaustive review of the concept of parasynthesis, see Heyna (2012) and Serrano-Dolader (2015).

  3. This classification does not always follow homogeneous criteria, since the label intransitive, used to define the class (f), is not based on semantic factors, but only on syntactic ones.

  4. Our classification, which will be presented in Sect. 3 and further deployed in Sect. 4, will not take into account effective and instrumental verbs headed by des- since their parasynthetic status is not altogether clear (cf. Gibert Sotelo 2015a, 2015d).

  5. The parasynthetic status of denominal verbs headed by des- is not always accepted. Grossmann (1994), in a fine-grained study of Catalan derived verbs, takes des- denominal verbs as cases of prefixation to a non-existing but possible verb.

  6. In Spanish, externally caused verbs that show causative alternation usually involve the addition of se in the anticausative constructions. For a detailed account of the different uses of se in Spanish, see Mendikoetxea (1999).

  7. Batiukova (2015) makes the same observation concerning the definitions of -izar verbs provided by dictionaries.

  8. Indeed, previous studies in verbal derivation have adopted this framework: see Lieber (1998) and Plag (1999) for English; Lieber and Baayen (1993) for Dutch; and Gràcia et al. (2000) for Catalan, Spanish and Basque; among others.

  9. Following the notation used by Morimoto (2001:28, 3) we have marked the position of the relevant thematic role in bold.

  10. The metonymic interpretation of this type of bases is better captured by using the Generative Lexicon approach. See Sect. 4.2 for a fine-grained account of the semantics of denominal parasynthetic verbs bases.

  11. Denomination taken from the fruitful article by Clark and Clark (1979).

  12. Following Gruber (1965), Lyons (1977), Jackendoff (1983, 1990) and Talmy (2000), among others, we adopt a localistic perspective and understand that there is a parallel semantic relationship between going from one place to another (which implies a physical movement), on the one hand, and the transition from one state to another (which implies an abstract movement), on the other hand.

  13. As some of these verbs undergo causative alternation (see Sect. 2.1), we have underlined the function CAUSE and its argument and the first argument of the function AFF, a notation used by Jackendoff (1990) to mark the optionality of functions and arguments. This convention will be adopted in the remaining LCSs, although not all the verbs of each class show causative alternation.

  14. An anonymous reviewer wonders if the distinction we propose between en- prefixed verbs and a- prefixed ones is that the first are achievements whereas the latter are accomplishments. It is not our aim to discuss this slippery distinction, since we consider that the context greatly influences the reading of these verbs as achievements or as accomplishments. What we acknowledge in this paper is that both these types of verb and also des- prefixed verbs are telic events of change (in fact, Pustejovsky 1995 does not distinguish achievements from accomplishments, stating that both types of event must be considered transitions. See Sect. 4.1).

  15. For a sub-lexical account of the tendency of en- verbs to encode locative values and the preference of a- verbs to express “pure change of state” (in the words of Acedo-Matellán 2006), see Sect. 4.2.

  16. Another possibility for analyzing the meaning of these types of verb is to adopt a specific function HAVE in order to encode the relationship of possession established between the internal argument (the possessor) and the nominal base (the possessum). This is the solution adopted by Hernández Paricio (1992), Val Álvaro (1994) and Kiparsky (1997), among others.

  17. Kiparsky (1997:484) claims that “the difference between locatum verbs and location verbs cannot simply be a matter of reversing the located thing with the location in argument structure”. Accordingly, this author distinguishes two relations of location: a) BE-ON/IN/AT, which expresses pure location and is encoded by location verbs (which basically correspond to the verbs examined in the present section); and b) HAVE-ON/IN, which expresses possession and is encoded by locatum verbs (which basically correspond to the verbs examined in Sect. 3.2.2; see footnote 17). In our approach, this distinction follows from the different correspondences established between the thematic tier and the action tier of these verbs. Moroever, from the standpoint of the Generative Lexicon, these differences are better captured by means of the links established between the Qualia Structure of the base and the Qualia Structure of the internal argument of the derived verb (see Sect. 4.2).

  18. Mateu and Acedo-Matellán (2012) and Koontz-Garboden and Beavers (2012) also analyze instrumental verbs such as guillotine as verbs of change of state. Note that Spanish verbs such as martillear ‘hit repeatedly with a hammer’, created by means of the suffix -ear and not by parasynthesis, express a repeated activity, and they are not considered to be telic. The differences between these two types of instrumental verbs will be studied in forthcoming research.

  19. Verbs of this type do not usually undergo causative alternation because they always require the presence of an agentive subject to perform the action.

  20. Compare this verb with ahorcar ‘to execute by hanging’, whose base is the same but prefixed with a- and not with en-.

  21. This is the approach followed by Grossmann (1994), Labelle (2000), Mateu (2001, 2002) and Acedo-Matellán (2006).

  22. See Gibert Sotelo (2015d) for a very similar approach in the analysis of Spanish des- parasynthetic verbs.

  23. Pustejovsky (1995:63–64) distinguishes four types of argument: true arguments, which are necessarily realized in the syntax; default arguments, which are not necessarily expressed in the syntax; Shadow Arguments, which are semantically incorporated into the lexical item; and True Adjuncts, which are optional and modify the logical expression spatially or temporally.

  24. Pustejovsky’s states and processes correspond respectively to states and activities in Vendler’s (1967) classification. However, Pustejovsky encompasses Vendlerian accomplishments and achievements in a complex event he labels transition and which consists of two subevents: a process (the first subevent) and a state (the second subevent).

  25. The telic role is not taken into account in the QS of verbs, as is shown in the studies of Batiukova (2006, 2008, 2009, 2015); Cano Cambronero (2010); and Gibert Sotelo (2015c).

  26. For a detailed lexical entry of the noun knife from the standpoint of the Generative Lexicon, see Johnston and Busa (1999).

  27. Adelstein (2012) has analyzed prefixes in nominal derivation using the Generative Lexicon framework. However, her proposal does not apply to our study, since we do not deal with nominal derivation, but with verbal derivation.

  28. Batiukova (2015) proposes a very similar entry for verbs in -izar with a base denoting a property (a class of verbs she labels causative-resultative; e.g. caramelizar ‘caramelize’). However, the entry she proposes, which encompasses nominal and adjectival bases, does not reflect the prototypical property of the noun base that is focalized in the verbalization. Moreover, since -izar verbs are not prefixed verbs, she does not account for the constitutive role of these formations.

  29. In Nebrija’s Vocabulario (1495), the author distinguished between these two meanings: “Acodar estribar sobre el codo. innitor cubito” and “Acodar vides o plantas. geniculo.as”. Curiously, Nebrija translated the second meaning of acodar into Latin with the verb geniculo < geniculum, \(-i\) ‘knee’, in which the knee is interpreted as having the same prototypical property as the elbow: its angular shape.

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Acknowledgements

This research has been supported by two projects funded by the Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación—FFI2011-29440-CO3-02 (Periferias y cambio lingüístico: descripción, teoría y aplicaciones) and FFI2011-24183 (Portal de léxico hispánico: documentación y morfología derivativa)—, one project granted by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad—FFI2014-56968-C4-4-P (Variación en la interficie morfología-sintaxis)— and by the FPU grant AP2012-1445 from the Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte. Our work has also benefited from a grant from the Departament de Filologia i Comunicació at the Universitat de Girona (Ajut a la recerca 2014), as well as from the program Suport als Grups de Recerca (2014 SGR 1013) financed by the Generalitat de Catalunya.

We would like to thank the audience of the conference Semantics of derivational morphology: Empirical evidence and theoretical modelling for their questions and discussion. Thanks especially to Montserrat Batllori Dillet and Víctor Acedo Matellán for their help and comments, and to Tony Isaac for proofreading the English language of this paper. We are especially grateful to Sabine Arndt-Lappe and Ingo Plag, and to two anonymous reviewers, whose observations and suggestions enabled us to considerably improve the article. All errors are our own responsibility.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Girona, Plaça Ferrater Mora, 1, 17071, Girona, Spain

    Elisabeth Gibert Sotelo & Isabel Pujol Payet

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  1. Elisabeth Gibert Sotelo
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  2. Isabel Pujol Payet
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Correspondence to Elisabeth Gibert Sotelo.

Appendices

Appendix

This section contains a list of the 150 Spanish denominal parasynthetic verbs examined in the textual corpora CORDE, CE, CDH and CREA.

1. Spanish denominal parasynthetic verbs with prefix a-: [a- N -r]

abanderar, abarquillar, abocinar, abocar, abochornar, abolsar, abombar, abotonar, abovedar, abrasar, abrazar, abrochar, abuhardillar, acalambrar, acalorar, acanalar, acaracolar, acaramelar, acartonar, acodar, acordonar, acristalar, acuartelar, acuchillar, aculturar, adehesar, afantasmar, afilar, aflautar, agarrar, agavillar, ahijar, ahorcar, ahumar, aislar, alistar, alumbrar, amasar, amojonar, amontonar, amurallar, aojar, apolillar, aprovechar, apuñalar, arrodillar, arropar, asombrar, atenazar, asedar, asesar, aterciopelar, aterrazar, atezar, avasallar, aventar, avinagrar

2. Spanish denominal parasynthetic verbs with prefix en-: [en- N -ar]

embaular, embocar, embotellar, empapelar, emplazar, enarenar, encabestrar, encabezar, encadenar, encajonar, encamar, encaminar, encamisar, encañonar, encapuchar, encapsular, encarcelar, encarpetar, encarrilar, encasillar, encauzar, encebollar, encerar, enclaustrar, encolar, encorchar, encortinar, encuadernar, encuevar, encumbrar, encunetar, encharcar, enfajar, enfangar, enfrascar, enfundar, engomar, engominar, engrasar, enharinar, enhorcar, enlazar, enlodar, enmarcar, enredar, enrollar, enroscar, ensillar, enterrar, enviar, envinar

3. Spanish denominal parasynthetic verbs with prefix des-: [des- N -ar]

desaguar, desalmar, desasnar, desbocar, desbrozar, descabezar, descafeinar, descamisar, descarnar, descarrilar, descascarar, descerebrar, descerrajar, descogollar, descolar, descorazonar, descorchar, descornar, descortezar, descremar, desdentar, desflorar, desgranar, deshojar, deshuesar, deslomar, desmembrar, desnatar, desorejar, despeñar, despiojar, despistar, desplazar, desplumar, despuntar, desquiciar, desterrar, destetar, destronar, desvenar, desviar, desvirgar

Sources

CDH = Real Academia Española::

Corpus del Nuevo Diccionario Histórico del Español. http://www.rae.es [Accessed May 2014–June 2015]

CE = Davies M.:

Corpus del español. http://www.corpusdelespanol.org [Accessed May 2014–June 2015]

Clave Dictionary = Diccionario Clave.:

Diccionario de uso del español actual, Ediciones SM. http://clave.smdiccionarios.com/app.php [Accessed November 2014–June 2015]

CORDE = Real Academia Española::

Corpus Diacrónico del Español. http://www.rae.es [Accessed May 2014–June 2015]

CREA = Real Academia Española::

Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual. http://www.rae.es [Accessed May 2014–June 2015]

DRAE = Real Academia Española (2001)::

Diccionario de la Real Academia Española. Madrid: RAE-Espasa Calpe. http://www.rae.es

Nebrija A. de (1495).:

Dictionarium hispanum latinum o Vocabulario español-latino. Madrid. RAE [facsimile of first edition, 1989].

WordReference = WordReference English-Spanish Dictionary, 2014.:

http://www.wordreference.com/es [Accessed November 2014–June 2015]

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Gibert Sotelo, E., Pujol Payet, I. Semantic approaches to the study of denominal parasynthetic verbs in Spanish. Morphology 25, 439–472 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-015-9267-y

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