Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 65, Number 4, 1997

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAXJ EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

MIRIAM B MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS

MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER, Salt Lake City, 1997

AUDREY M GODFREY, Logan, 1997

LEE ANN KREUTZER, Torrey, 2000

ROBERT S MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1998

ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE, Cora, WY, 1999

JANET BURTON SEEGMILLER, Cedar City, 1999

GENE A SESSIONS, Ogden, 1998

GARY TOPPING, Salt Lake City, 1999

RICHARD S. VAN WAGONER, Lehi, 1998

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history Th e Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101 Phone (801) 533-3500 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, Utah Preservation, and the bimonthly Newsletterupon payment of the annual dues: individual, $20.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $15.00; contributing, $25.00; sustaining, $35.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate, typed double-space, with footnotes at the end Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, on 3/4 inch MSDOS or PODOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file. For additional information on requirements contact the managing editor Articles represent the views of the author and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society.

Periodicals postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah.

POSTMASTER: Send address chang e to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.

JACKSON J. BENSON. Wallace Stegner: His Life and Work . .NEWELL G. BRINGHURST 384

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER. TheLegacy of Mormon Furniture: The Mormon Material Culture,Undergirded byFaith, Commitment, and Craftsmanship .ELAINE THATCHER 385

D. MICHAEL QUINN Same-sexDynamics among Nineteenth-century Americans: A Mormon Example POLLY STEWART 386

NORMAN J. BENDER Winning the West for Christ:SheldonJackson and Presbyterianism on theRocky Mountain Frontier, 18691880 BERNARD WEISS 388

JOSEPH P. SANCHEZ Explorers, Traders, and Slavers:Forging theOld Spanish Trail, 1678-1850 STEVEN K MADSEN 389

NEWELL G. BRINGHURST, ed. Reconsidering No Man Knows My History: Fawn M. Brodie andJosephSmith in Retrospect .RICHARD S VAN WAGONER 390

In this issue

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Excerptfrom midwifefody Wood's " San Juan County 1886 Record of Babys Born, " courtesy of Frances H. Hoopes.

The pioneer sesquicentennial has provided good reason to celebrate durin g this memorabl e year, and Utahns have made the most of it. New books, new videos, festivals, an d reenactment s have allowed peopl e of all ages and interests a variety of ways to touch the historical experience Yet, lest we forget, the first article in this issue will serve as a reminder that pioneers continued to immigrat e to Utah long after 1847, that they came not just across the plains bu t across oceans, an d that they too sought comfort in religious worship These were the "new pioneers"—the ethnic groups who clung to familiar languages, customs, an d rituals in their quest for new economi c beginnings in Utah's settled communities In this analysis, the focus is on Greek women an d their adaptation of the hom e altar tradition Kandilia, themiato, eikones, Stephana, and prayers were essential in easing the pangs of homesickness, in promoting cultural identity, and especially in promoting religious piety within the home They also provided these women an extraordinary opportunity for creative expression. The discerning reader will find food for thought in the author's assessment of how and why that creativity has been circumscribed in recent years.

The next article returns us to the Utah frontier—San Jua n County in the 1890s—and pioneers of a different sort These were the midwives—practitioners of obstetrics, folk medicine, home care, and good cheer who carried the entire burden of health care for the people of that time and place In Hanna h Sorensen's peripatetic clinic and in Jody Wood's devoted practice, we see the early outlines of modern theories striving to emerge from the magic and mystery of nineteenth-century medicine. It is an interesting and inspiring story well told.

Pioneers in land speed have also left their mark on Utah as detailed in the third article At periodical intervals since the 1920s, me n and machines have roared across the Bonneville Salt Flats in hopes of finding that elusive combination of luck, fortitude, and engineering that will earn a niche in the record books As the venue has shifted to northwestern Nevada where new land speed records are being set even as this issue heads for press, it is appropriat e to look at Bonneville's great heyday and analyze the apparent cause of its decline

The final selection is a biography of one of Utah's most colorful jurists, Justice William McCarty Largely self-taught, he rose to judicial eminence just as Utah was making its final sprint from polygamous territory to modern state. Thanks to support from the Utah Bar Foundation, the story of McCarty's role as a transitional figure has been researched and readied for publication It is a fitting conclusion to our 1997 volume which caps a two-year emphasis on the statehood and pioneer eras.

Icons are often arranged on walls and tables in Utah homes. This photograph was taken in the home of Aphrodite Marcooles, Salt Lake City. All photographs are courtesy of the author.

In the Hands of Women: Home Altar Tradition in Utah's Greek Orthodox Homes

"Watch the flame of the oil lamp in front of the icon and all your nightmares will vanish."

from "Death Watch" in Watch the Flame

by Eleni Fourtouni

ELAINE M. BAPIS

WHE N MY GRANDMOTHER ARRIVED in the United States in 1916, she brought a long-standing tradition from Greece that her daughters remember as one of the vibrant features of their household. 1 She arranged eikones (icons), kandilia (votive candles), and a themiato (censer) in her bedroom to continue religious worship in the manner of her heritage. Creating a center of holiness and spirituality in the home was part and parcel of her life. Like other Greek immigrant women, she felt it was integral to religious faith itself

Studies of Greek American communities treat women's traditions such as this one in an anecdotal manner. Typically, Greek American history is about public institutions and the struggle to develop cohesive organizations. 2 Most inquiry explores the central role of the church—its national and regional history or the nature of ceremonies and rituals conducted within. "It is no exaggeration," observes one historian, "to say that without the Greek Orthodox church there would be no Greek-American community."3 Church history is therefore central to Greek American studies However, the exclusive focus on the public institution in relation to community cohesion has subsumed the importance of long-standing domestic religious customs and their parallel function in cultural transmission. Adopting a new country while successfully transporting a heritage to the West depended upon creating an efficient relationship between home and church in a manner consistent with Greek Orthodox tradition, yet suitable to American settings where immigrants found themselves widely scatacknowledges with thanks the critical comments and suggestions made by Margaret Brady, Robert Goldberg, Katherine Grier, and Dean May during all stages of this project.

1 The phrase "home altars" does not derive directiy from Greek religio-cultural practice It is not a phrase that Greek Orthodox people use to identify their tradition of private worship. The closest phrase would be katekia ekklesia (transliterated form) or "the church in the home," a phrase generally used by the church clergy When lay people refer to "home altars" they usually refer to a specific object, such as an icon of Christ or the Virgin Mary or a kandili. I am using the phrase as a generic label

2 The most notable monograph is Theodore Saloutos, The Greeks in the United States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964) which, in relation to church history, discusses the pressures on die Greek Orthodox Church to assimilate as it changed from a federation of churches in eastern Europe to a centralized system in America Equally important is the examination of resistance and accommodation of Greek Americans in responding to assimilation Thomas Burgess, Greeks in America (Boston, 1913) describes American reaction to Greeks; and Charles C Moskos,Jr., Greek Americans: Struggle and Success (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1980), combines social and cultural history with memoir and adds demographic information and personal experience to Saloutos's general narrative. Alice Scourby's The Greek Americans (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1984), follows along the same lines The exceptional focus on folk dynamics has been Helen Z Papanikolas's extensive study of Greek tradition in the Intermountain West Most helpful for a description of early immigrant custom, work life, and household are, "The Exiled Greeks" in The Peoples of Utah (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), and her earlier monograph, "Toil and Rage in a New Land: The Greek Immigrants in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 38 (1970); also helpful is her "Greek Immigrant Women in the Intermountain West," Journal oJ theHellenicDiaspora 16 (1989): 17-35

3 Alice Scourby, "Ethnicity at the Crossroads: The Case of Greek America," Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora20 (1994): 128

tered In creating and maintaining the home/church dynamic, immigrant women's home altar tradition was critical.

When Greek immigrant women set up private religious sites in their Utah homes in the early nineteen hundreds, they engaged in age-old rituals that provided them with a resource of strength and action At the same time that their faith in home rituals facilitated them personally, it indelibly marked the religio-cultural identity of their families, connecting the individual and the family to a larger Greek community. Women's religious culture in the form of home altars created and sustained a vital relationship between church and home. This home-church connection suggests that Greek communities in Utah not only developed by creating congregations of "the faithful" in church but also by means of private devotion, especially one that could endure relocation. However, even though the home altar tradition is widespread in Greek Orthodox homes, it is not without a history of modification in practice and in meaning of women's religious authority. Based on the experiences of twenty women from three Greek Orthodox communities of Utah, this study examines the nature of Greek women's home altar tradition, its sustaining power, and its changes over three generations.4

Despite its widespread presence in Greek American homes, the home altar tradition has been the exclusive subject of only one study

Robert Teske, in his 1973 analysis of Greek Orthodox custom in Philadelphia, describes religious devotion in the home as one of the most widespread and persistent of the immigrant religious customs.5 He finds little modification in domestic religious tradition and recognizes it as a central feature in Greek American homes Other writers such as Kay Turner and Cynthia Viduarri have studied the tradition of

1 Twenty women from the three Greek Orthodox communities of Utah have contributed information for this project through in-depth interviews Ten second-generation women, speaking about their mothers, provide a general description of early tradition and their own inheritance or modification of it Eight third-generation women describe their response to this age-old tradition, ranging from modification to abandonment One woman who came to Salt Lake City in 1931 and another during the early 1950s represent more recent links to the practice in Greece and provide a comparison to Greek American custom All but two second-generation women are retired, their occupations having ranged from working in department stores and in school lunch programs to operating small businesses and writing professionally Their formal education extended from completion of eighth grade to college Most of the third-generation are college educated and working in their professions The recent immigrant women are both Greece-educated and have spent their years in Utah as Greek language teachers for church education programs Eleven are married, three are single, and four are widows All are officially listed as members of their respective churches While this study only spans three generations, two great-granddaughters (fourth generation) have added insight into contemporary practice Their information has been used to enhance the argument of changed sources of education rather than as evidence for inheritance or rejection They were both college students at the time of their interviews and residents of Salt Lake City

5 Robert Thomas Teske, "The Eikonostasi among Greek-Philadelphians," Pennsylvania Folklife 23 (1973): 20-30

home altars in Tejano Catholic culture,6 and Yvonne Milspaw examines women's religious heritage from a Protestant angle, identifying a similar home-altar practice as standard among German-Anabaptist culture.7 These studies recognize the cross-cultural links between their respective community's religious tradition and Christian practice in general.8 In all three cases, the home altar tradition is an expression of the close ties between ethnic and religious identity. Greek tradition in Utah has similar ties.9

Greek immigration to America had reached about 10,000 by the late 1890s, with the largest concentrations of population in Chicago and NewYork.10 These early groups spurred a wave of large-scale immigration toward the turn of the century with over 100,000 Greeks arriving by 1910." Greek settlement in Utah was part of this twentieth century phenomenon Lured to America by labor agents and vibrant success stories (under a disguised system of forced servitude), large numbers of Greek men were transported west to work on the railroad and in newly opened coal mines.12 Planning to stay only until their servitude expired, these men instead became founders of Utah's Greek American communities. Like the earlier, eastern immigrants, they converted their work enclaves into sites of settlement, and by 1912 many men had sent for families or arranged with relatives to send for brides.

Greeks settled in four Utah areas, Salt Lake City, Bingham, Ogden, and Carbon County with a total population at about 4,039 by

6 Kay Turner, "Mexican American Home Altars: Towards Their Interpretation," Aztlan 13 (1982): 309-26 Cynthia Viduarri, "Tejano Religious Folk Art Forms in South and West Texas," Purview Southwest: Proceedingsfor the 1991 Annual Conference on the Southwest/Texas Popular Culture Association , March 27-30, 1991, San Antonio, pp 26-31

7 Yvonne Millspaw, "Protestant Home Shrines: Icon and Image," New York Folklore 12 (1986): 119-36 She links Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox religious heritage but refers to no specific study that has described Eastern Orthodox practice (Russian, Romanian, etc.)

8 See especially Turner's "Mexican American Home Altars." Her discussion includes information dating home altar tradition to pre-Christian times.

9 In Turner's and Viduarri's studies the use of home altars (while linked to the early Christian church) was not analyzed in relation to modern non-ethnic Catholic communities Linking ethnic identity to home altars is not to suggest that setting up sacred centers cannot be found in all religious communities (nor is it to claim that women's private religious devotion is a primary insurance for the survival of churches), but it is to claim that the particular variety in the Greek Orthodox church—its survival and its long history of female maintenance (like that of Tejano Catholics) is deeply attached to ethnic culture, a powerful force in the development of the church in Utah

10 Peter W Dickson, "The Greek Pilgrims: Tsakonas and Tsintzinians," New Directions in Greek American Studies (New York: Pella Publishing Company, 1991), ed Dan Georgakas and Charles C Moskos Dickson explains that only 15-25 Greeks arrived at the port of New York prior to 1882 By 1892 both New York and Chicago had communities with dedicated churches

11 Papanikolas, "The Exiled Greeks," p. 410 (footnote on 1910 census).

12 Employment records and newspapers, according to Papanikolas in "The Exiled Greeks," indicate that Greeks were the "largest group of immigrants in [Utah] mining towns" (p 416) In many of her accounts, she tells the story of the leading padrone, Leonidis G Skliris, who exploited Greek immigrants as he negotiated their terms of employment

1910. Almost all were men. 13 Before women arrived in large numbers (1912), men had already pioneered mutual aid societies, Greek-language newspapers, and political organizations.14 In Salt Lake City by 1905 they had constructed and dedicated the original Greek Orthodox church, Holy Trinity. Serving the Intermountain West, the church became the primary symbol and evidence of Greek identity in the New World. By 1916 Greeks in Price had dedicated their church, and the Ogden community followed at a later date. It was not by chance that the church was the primary means of social, cultural, and religious identity To early generations in Utah the word "Greek" defined both nationality and religion, and maintaining this closeness meant having a central place of fellowship The church with its social hall housed mutual aid society meetings and baptism and wedding parties and essentially became a place where Greek language, food, song, and dance were relished. But the public fashioning of religiocultural identity also depended upon a fluid exchange with the home. A center of cultural security, the home was also a place where women's custom of private worship promoted a "Greek" form of religious piety and kept ties between religion and culture strong. Especially in view of the immigrants' relative isolation from Eastern Christian tradition and their permanent separation from homeland and family, the fact that private worship has survived as a tradition suggests that it served both a private and public need.15 The dialectic between home and church that Greek immigrant women created in Utah recalls early Christian tradition when the home was the original "church" where people gathered (most likely in the loft or some place out of public view) to preach, teach, and partake of sacraments. 1 6

13 According to the 1910 census, fewer than ten Greek women resided in Utah at this time Ibid., p 417

14 The Fiftieth Anniversary Album for Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church of Salt Lake City reports that by 1908 several regional societies were consolidated into a national organization called "Pan Hellenic National Union" in which Utah Greeks participated with their local chapter, "O Kanaris" (p .45) By 1913 three Greek language newspapers provided forums for debate of issues ranging from work conditions in Utah to Greece's political affairs with Turkey (p 48)

15 Keeping the home a place of Greek Orthodox piety was a challenge for immigrant women in Utah Through word of mouth or possibly a few letters, they heard of Greece but did not expect to see their families again Mosdy teenagers or in their early twenties, these women pioneered Greek domestic culture in Utah, grafting their sense of "Greekness" onto unfamiliar food, homes, clothing, and social customs; but being isolated from family placed a new burden on them, since carrying on cultural tradition meant shouldering the responsibility alone Where women would have shared household tasks with neighbors and relatives for numerous religious celebrations in Greece, they found no such support in America It is no wonder that, in view of such demands, immigrant women found personal strength in reprieves such as private places of prayer

16 While it is difficult to trace exacdy, the tradition most likely finds its roots in the Gospel's words as revealed by Paul According to William Barclay in The Letters to the Corinthians, 2d ed (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1956), "It is not until the third century that we hear about a church building at all" (p. 187). In Romans 16:3-5 Paul asks us to "greet the church" that is in the home of Priscilla and Aq'uil-a (Christian co-workers and leaders in Corinth and Ephesus) and again in 1 Corinthians 16:19 he

17

Devotional expression in the home bolstered institutionalization of religion by providing for a non-compartmentalized practice of piety.

A general description of culturally prescribed home altar arrangements begins with the ways that church and home replicate each other materially and ritually. One literally takes the church into the home by placing the most significant visual, Byzantine icons, in private locations, thus marking a sacred space similar to the church's venerated

refers to "the church that is in their [Priscilla and Aq'-uil-a's] house." Barclay explains that when Paul "writes from Ephesus he sends greetings from them, and from the Church that is in their house" (p 187)

The Greek phrase katekiaekklesia (the church in the home) is a common phrase used by church hierarchy to describe the creation of a Christian atmosphere in the home This tradition, as traced through Paul, is important for women's religious history because it connects women to their role as early deacons, teachers, preachers, prophets, and founders of churches, suggesting that they participated in an active discipleship, thus helping to ensure the church's life For information about women's active discipleship see Eva Catafygiotu Topping, Holy Mothers of Orthodoxy (Minneapolis: Light and Life Publishing Co., 1987)

As institutional development replicated the practice of prayer and partaking of sacraments, melding public and private traditions, it did not advance the role of preacher in the church for women Institutions therefore failed to create lasting public hierarchies inclusive of women, and while their notable leadership in Christian history should not be surprising, it is often neglected. Although it is difficult to say for sure, most likely, as the church became the realm of male authority, responsibility for the maintenance of the church in the home passed almost exclusively into the hands of women. This is not to say that men did not participate in religious ritual at home but that their practice does not have the collective identity women's has had

17 Interview with Fr John Kaloudis, Prophet Elias Church, Salt Lake City, April 26, 1996 Speaking of a non-compartmentalized religious tradition, he explains: "If youjust come to church on Sunday and that's it, that's really not faith at all; Christianity is meant to embrace every aspect of our lifestyle and that [katekia ekklesia] is an expression of that lifestyle."

center, the altar.18 As in the church, icons in the home are forms of visual instruction, providing "concise memorials" of significant written scripture.19 Two primary eikones in Orthodox iconography, Xristos (Christ) and Theotokos (Holy Mother), glorify Christianity's central event—the divine Mysterion, more commonly known as the incarnation.20 In home altars as in Orthodox church interiors, these two core icons constitute the primary visual language of worship A third-generation woman who grew up in Salt Lake City describes what she remembers in her home: "We had a little corner of. . . holiness in the bedrooms for the icon and religious effects. We always had the Icon of Christ and the Icon of the Virgin Mary hanging on the wall."21 As in the church, several different icons may be placed around the central ones in home arrangements.22 Among them may be a family member's patron saint or commemorations of miraculous events in early church history.

Veneration of Byzantine icons in the home and church marks one's source of spiritual connection to Christianity and signifies religious and cultural identity. Not only does the art, dating to pre-schism time, inscribe one's religious history but the Greek letters overlaying the icon's visuals identify culture. Between Byzantine art and Greek letters, these icons distinguish Eastern Christianity from Western and designate Greek culture in relation to the broader Eastern Orthodox heritage. Hence, the visuals and the letters help create a sense of religious and cultural "ecology" for Greeks in their American homes. Traditional religious practice in the home replicates church ritual in three main ways: keeping a vigil light called a kandili, using a

18 Byzantine icons were the first Christian art and are distinguished by the focus on abstraction, highlighting the rhythmical or spiritual rather than the real; the time period of most icons in Greek Orthodox tradition spans 550 and 1453 With the transference of the religious capital to Constantinople in 330, Byzantine art took on its eastern and Greek style David Talbot Rice's Art of the Byzantine Era (1963; 2d ed., London: Thames and Hudson, 1986), is very helpful in describing the history of Byzantine art Byzantine icons appear throughout the interiors of Greek Orthodox churches but are most centrally arranged along a screen, the eikonostasi, standing in front of the altar and facing the congregation

19 Constantine Cavarnos, TheIcon (Haverhill, Mass, 1992)

20 The centrality of the incarnation is equally as representative in Tejano custom; see Kay Turner's "Mexican American Home Altars."

21 Telephone interview with Gregoria Korologos, February 3, 1996, third generation, Salt Lake City and Washington, D.C.

22 Byzantine art has a particular significance for women A controlling idea or expression in the eikona of Christ and the Holy Mother is nurturing—nurturing as elements of both mother and son, male and female. The relatively abstract nature of male and female shapes in Byzantine style, while not obliterating the reality of their humanness, compresses it and highlights and inscribes both the object (male and female) and the idea (nurturing) with an "honorable reverence." The honorable reverence is meant to venerate the idea and act of nurturing as the ideal relationship between human beings (as well as between the individual and the divine) Visuals (through icons) conjure the honorable reverence of nurturing so that women who saw themselves as primary nurturers also saw themselves as engaging in an ennobling commitment Creating spiritual nurturing for many Greek immigrant women was as important as physical nurturing

Top and center: Byzantine icons like these are found in Greek Orthodox churches and homes. In contrast to the popular, westernized "Head of Christ" by Warner E. Sallman, bottom, Byzantine style is identified by the relatively abstract nature of male and female shapes, their two-dimensional flatness, and elongated lines. Although individual artists may vary in their interpretation of Byzantine icons they are commissioned to paint for Greek Orthodox churches, they clearlyfit within the general aesthetics of Byzantine abstract style. The westernized (humanized) rendition of Christ produced by Sallman would be a rarity in Greek Orthodox churches. Written language on icons remains primarily Greek; however, icons such as the one in the center have recently been distributed to Sunday School graduates, indicating the need to combine Byzantine iconography with the English language. That change, along with the appearance of less abstract depictions of Christ, such as Sallman's in Greek homes, represents the influence of western, American religious cultures. It is important to note that westernized images appear in relation to an accumulation of Byzantine icons and are usually few in number.

censer known as a themiato for blessings, and praying.23 The kandili (votive candle), continually lighted in church, is a symbolic reminder of the eternal light of the Gospel. The kandili either hangs from the ceiling next to the eikona or sits on a shelf in a corner of the bedroom or over a doorway or on a table with the themiato nearby Both second- and third-generation women had vivid memories of mothers' or grandmothers' custom of lighting

23 The nature and value of the objects are directly related to the way they function in the actual church liturgy. The central action of the church is Divine Liturgy along with special ceremonies such as baptism through which the faithful participate in Theia Mysteria (Divine Mysteria or holy sacraments) Divine Mysterion in baptism, for example, occurs when we see a body bathed in the water and believe that the soul is simultaneously cleansed through the "Grace of the Holy Spirit." The objects themselves have a specific purpose in relation to the idea of mysteria. The Divine Mysteria, exclusively administered by clergy, through appropriate, visible symbols initiate one into things invisible. Sacraments and clergy constitute the central feature of church as institution Constantine Cavarnos, Orthodox Christian Terminology (Brookline, Mass.: E Marshall Publishing & Translation Services, 1994), p 53

An electric kandili in the home ofMaxine Bapis, top, replicates on a small scale those hanging in front of the eikonostasi (icon screen) in Holy Trinity Church, bottom.

the votive candle A third-generation woman characterizes her grandmother's kandili ritual: "She would light it at fast days and name days; it was a big part of her life."24 A Salt Lake City woman recalls her grandmother's tradition: "We had the kandili, thick glass with wide rim filled with oil and a little water to hold the wick. The kandili was lit each night before the prayer before we went to bed. It also served as a night light but that was not the main purpose."25 Another woman explains the dynamic relationship between church and home symbolized by the kandili: "The first thing that comes to mind is the relationship with the spiritual. . . and that light, seeing that light is the same thing as lighting a candle every Sunday [at church]."26

During church services the priest blesses the faithful with the themiato. Women have traditionally done the same at home for their families in particular and as acts of kindness in general. A third-generation woman describes her mother's practice: "We had the themiato for the incense and the charcoal We burned the incense and charcoal on Sundays and holidays We always did our cross and said a prayer of thanks."27 One woman explains the ritual: "When we themiazi [use the censer, i.e., incense burner] we believejust because the smell and the smoke goes [sic] up, that's [sic] our prayers go up. We themiazi the night before [a] holiday like Saint George, SaintJames, Saint Stellianos, every name day and in the morning too before

we go to church; I go first to my icons and then to all the rooms and then to my car because I have icons there and then I stay in the front door and themiazi outside and I pray for everybody in the world and for my dead people. I don't ever change anything for me."28

Finally, home and church imitate each other through the goal of prayer, a means of communion (communication) with the divine. A recent immigrant explains how the church and home integrate religious practice: "We like to continue the prayers from the church to the house ... its some kind of connection."29 Gratitude, seeking forgiveness, and asking for help are the primary motivations for prayer. How often is entirely up to the individual; for some it is daily and for others occasionally. A 1950s immigrant remembers her mother's ritual in Greece: "If [she] has problem she went [sic] any time of day but in the evening yes."30 Another woman explains the role of home prayer: "We'd worship just like we would if we were in church, so we would all line up at night . . .when we went to bed we'd stand in front of the eikones and pray."31

Prayer (in front of the eikones) for a 1930s immigrant functions as a source of strength and a place of veneration: "Anytime I go in that room and I see the icons I have to make my stavro [sign of the cross]

kai tha kano kai oti mou erthiesto mialow mou kai tha zitiso hari [and then I ask whatever comes into my mind and any favors from God]. If I am very sorry, very sad about something, I have to go there. I do it anytime I want, anytime."32 Belief in the power of prayer for one immi-

28 Interview with Aphrodite Marcooles, Salt Lake City, April 26, 1996, first generation, 1950 29

Interview with Bessie K Markos, Plain City, February 9, 1996, Ogden community, second gen-

32 Interview with Eleni Bovos, Salt Lake City, April 26, 1996, first generation, 1931

grant woman, whose livelihood came from raising goats and selling cheese and milk, was undeniable. Her daughter describes this close relationship in the story about their goats being poisoned: "I think I was only four or five years old then . . . Mom was very unhappy and she kept . . . cursing them [the neighbors] and praying and . . . one night Panageia [Virgin Mary] came to her and told her don't get too distressed and don't hate 'em and don't curse 'em; I'll take care of them and then spring come [sic] along right after and we had some nasty weather and their animals were lambing . . . and they lost almost all of their animals and . . . our few goats ... a good many of them had twins so that made mora feel like God answered."

33 One second-generation woman who grew up near Price remembers the central role of the home in their religious life. "We couldn't go to church to worship so we worshipped at home and everyday [mother] used her censer and censed the house and lit her vigil light every night."34

The tradition of home altars represents the dynamics between church and home in another way For married women, a fourth traditional object, the Stephana (marriage crown) appears in a glass case near the eikones. As one woman remembers, "[the] Stephana... were in my parents bedroom next to their icon."35 When women place the Stephana from the church marriage ceremony next to the eikones, they carry the event of marriage into the home and give it a venerable station. According to Cretan tradition, the Stephana isburied with the first deceased spouse. 36

If the early immigrants had no access to the products they found ways to make them: "In those days we did not have wicks because it was hard to get 'em ... so [mother] just spun a piece of cotton and she had a little metal like across the glass with water on the bottom and then put the oil and the oil comes up on top naturally . . . and then she'd put that little wick through a little hole in her metal holder then it just lit all night." Another item that was frequently constructed was the traditional shelf many women left behind in Greece: "Dad built mother a little . . . box-like shelf more or less and it was with a cross on top; it was like an altar and she had all her icons in that and her vigil light and the vigil light was lit every night; we woke up at night we had a little light ... it was sacred to her."37 This sacrality is not interrupted by political or secular images such as pictures of family members, political leaders, or national flags.38

While most respondents described eikones,kandilia, themiato, and sounds of prayer as typical of immigrant women's daily religious practice, few mentioned reading and studying

Bibles. The Bible and prayer books have always been central to Orthodox religious dogma, but the eikones, kandili, and themiato have played a significant role in helping women to create an intimate relationship with the sacred world while transmitting religious culture to their families. Since Greek Orthodox women's access to hierarchical management of the church (where dogma is decided and debated and clergy are educated) met an early death, and since liturgical administration is the exclusive right of men, generations of women have found ways of engaging actively in religion through domestic ritual The emphasis on the visual in Greek Orthodox tradition (compared to the written word for Protestants) has a particular significance for immigrant women. The sensory tradition provided them with a means of "unmediated" worship in the home. Praying, censing the house and family, and keeping an eternal flame endowed women with the ability to activate religious worship and sustain Orthodoxy in Utah's largely Protestant region. Isolated from their homeland and estranged from their religious environment, Greek immigrant women were not disconnected. Relocating their religious practice was as simple as packing an icon in a bag.

In transporting traditional practices from Greece to America, early immigrants provided their communities with a direct link to Greek Orthodox religious history and culture, allowing uninterrupted religious worship where getting to church may have been occasional at best. Through the kandili, themiato, prayer, eikones, and Stephana, immigrant women found ways to continue the familiar, complementary relationship between church and home, while passing on cultural and religious identity to their families. Subsequent generations—at the very least—procured a sense of "Greekness" through identification with the religious items and their function in the church-home dynamics

Subtle but significant modifications in the home altar tradition appeared with second generation women. The first item to disappear, generally speaking, was the shelf. Since the traditional shelf was an item unavailable in Utah, women arranged their eikones on walls or tables (some keeping the east-facing tradition and others not) with a kandili nearby Some continued rituals such as blessing the family As one third-generation daughter explains: "[I] definitely [remember my mother] blessing the house with the . . . how would she call it, themiazi; T would themiazi the house' . . . one day specifically that she cense[d] was the first day of the year . . . she [would] light the incense

Icons arranged on a table in the home of Bessie K. Markos, Plain City, Utah. Note angels she acquired at an interfaith conference.

in the kitchen and then she went directly to the icons to [sic] the bedroom . . . and then she would go to each room in the house; we each took the palm of our hand in a vertical position and we go over the smoke with the sign of the cross and she would have each one of us specifically [do that] I remember it being a real special time."39 If the rituals of blessing occurred only occasionally for some, second-generation women retained prayer as the primary function of their religious center. Another time-honored component has been the continued separation between the sacred and the secular.40

Two important changes, however, suggest American influence. Religious statues have been discouraged as a general rule in Greek Orthodox tradition since the "too-real" nature, as opposed to the preferred abstractness of flat Byzantine icons, suggests idolatry No religious statues appear in Greek Orthodox churches today. Their inclusion would indicate Roman Catholic tradition. Many second-generation women, though, have found a way to accommodate religious statues without spiritual conflict. One second-generation woman in Salt Lake has a collection of three statues of the Virgin Mary that a Catholic friend had given her as a gift.41 Another has included two

39 Varanakis interview

40 The exception was an icon that had been hand embroidered by a person who was in prison in Greece It was Byzantine in style, theme, and image but had two Greek flags on either side of the Theotokos; this was an unusual expression of religion's and culture's inseparability (icon appears in the collection of Aphrodite Marcooles shown on page 312, left hand side of icon arrangement) Still, no political figures such as presidents interrupted the sacred visuals of Christ, Mary, and saints in these women's home altars

41 Interview with Maxine Bapis, Salt Lake City, February 29, 1996

angels that she acquired at an interfaith conference. Blending them with traditional items suggests an open attitude toward Christian faiths on a broad spiritual level and a gift-giving dialectic apparent in America because of proximity with other religions. Women identify these items as appropriate religious expressions with no threat to their distinct Greek Orthodox practice Similarly, the appearance of westernized icons or unusual representations ofJesus in some Greek Orthodox home altars suggest Catholic and Protestant influence and a way of appropriating religious identity in a broader sense. A parish priest explained what he found at an elderly lady's home: "She has her little icon and I give her communion [regularly] and she's got these real unusual pictures of Jesus there; but out of her own personal reverence she said, Tjust can't throw those things away' and she puts them there; they wouldn't typically go there but it'sjust an expression of her own piety."42

In the case of an interfaith marriage, combining statues and icons was a way of blending cultures. A third-generation daughter explains: "My grandmother was a very devout Catholic and . . .when my mother married my father . . . she told my mother that her children, my brother and I, should be Greek Orthodox. My mother kept her little icons and she also had statues . . . the Catholic statues of the Virgin Mary mostly and they were intertwined We always had the kandili because the Catholics always had them."43 Another change was the addition of a low voltage electric kandili that allowed the eternal glow without the hazard of a lighted candle or the oil and water combination: "About 1945 my mother purchased an electric kandili which was a beautiful deep red glass surrounded in a gold container."44 This sometimes replaced the votive candle and in other instances complemented it, with the candle being lit only on special occasions.

A major change for second-generation women has been more frequent readings of the Bible and prayer books. This shift from a more

oral cultural tradition to a literary one can be marked in the secondgeneration's recent participation in Bible classes and a more active church system of distribution of religious texts. Early immigrant women's dependence on home altar traditions issued largely from their mothers and grandmothers Contemporary reliance on written authority has changed the traditional relationship with written texts for Greek women in Utah. The Bible, for instance, represents a useful resource from which to read independently rather than just a sacred text lying next to sacred icons. Many second-generation women have found a new balance in their domestic religious practice between active ritual and the more isolated act of reading.

While active engagement in blessings with the themiato and lighting the kandili functioned as a central part of domestic religious devotion for immigrant women and as a complimentary component for the second generation, the eventual disappearance of active ritual from third-generation homes not only began a change in practice but also a significant shift in the role of women's religious authority. Thirdgeneration response to home altar traditions ranges from complete abandonment to modified devotional expression. Generally, third-generation practice is marked by a less elaborate collection of eikones and a more simple arrangement, with many married women having one or two icons next to the Stephana. While the second generation had either an electric light for a kandili or the votive candle (or both), the third generation tended not to have either. Several of them mentioned that they had the kandili but it sat in a drawer or was used only sporadically at a few specific moments during the year. Modification generally meant less ritualized practice such as blessings with the themiato. One woman laments the loss of the themiato, "I've never done that; I remember my mom so specifically; I bought all the stuff and I've got it but I've never done it." Her devotional expression, like that of other third-generation women, consists of prayer and the immigrant tradition of placing the eikoneson the east wall, as she demonstrates: "They [people] had to . . . face the sun's rising so they [icons] always had to be on the east wall and I remember in every apartment or in every house I would say now are the icons going to be on the east wall; so to this day they are on the east wall in my house; so we've always passed that on."45

Although third-generation women were less inclined to activate

45 Varanakis interview.

From the top: Icon arrangements in the Salt Lake City homes of Eleni Bovos, first generation, and Sophie Wondolowski and Myra Varanakis, third generation.

family rituals such as blessing the family with the themiato, they have continued to draw on prayer in front of their eikones as a resource for spiritual strength: "I think that's my way of saying this is my [spiritual] link; definitely a feeling of security . . . definitely."46 It is a place and a moment of privacy for women, respected and understood by family members: "I remember my mother," comments one woman, " and she went to . . . her bedroom and locked the door and she said I am going to pray, don't make too much noise."47 Not generally a place where the family comes together in prayer, the home altar site retains the aspect of a woman's space, as suggested by this comment: "We never prayed as a family in that area where the icons [were]. She [mother] would tell me specific times that she would pray to the icons; I never saw her; I don't think it was a daily thing; I remember her very specifically,

maybe troubled times, when she would say that last night I knelt and prayed."48

In a significant way, domestic religious tradition generated piety, cultural identity, and a form of religious authority for women through modeling and a female "ownership" of custom. As one person observes, "Nobody ever said this is what you do; it was all just from what I saw my mother do."49 Another woman clearly understood the importance of modeling: "It's seen as an expression; if they see, if they light the candle .. . I think that means something to them . . . like my grandchildren. When they live [sic] here overnight I tell them let's go to [sic] pray . . . each one pray[s]." 5 0 While both male and female children most likely procured a sense of "Greekness" through identification with the material items, women assumed primary responsibility for creating and attending to religious centers in the home. Few respondents remembered their adult brothers, for example, acquiring the home altar tradition

Keeping a sacred center still functions as a means of sustaining a dynamic relationship between church and home. The potent nature of domestic religious tradition in maintaining a dialectic between community and home is especially exemplified in the way it conjoins the church and home through special occasions. At Easter, for example, parishioners may place objects from the church service in the home. These customs range from taking the lighted candle from Good Friday services all the way home and lighting a kandili to placing the palm from Palm Sunday or the carnation from Good Friday next to the eikones. A third-generation woman explains: "On [Good] Friday night I always put the flower always, we all do and we let them dry there sometimes I will even put them in [the] box that holds

the crowns; I kept them in there for awhile and then my mom's always told me you have to burn them; you can't throw them in the garbage; we try to bring a light home from the service."51 Other occasions may include bringing ayiasmos (holy water) from the Epiphany church service into the house As one woman explains: "Ayiasmos was always available at home in case someone needed to take some due to illness."52 For another person: "[Mother] had the holy water that she'd get from the church and she'd sprinkle with that and if any of us were sick she would give us a teaspoon of it and hope that the Lord would reach us and help us heal and we still do it to this day."53 Holy water has also been used in blessing the house as one person explains: "The priest. did visit our home with basil and holy water and blessed each room by forming the cross with the basil and the holy water."54 One woman pointed to a basket next to her eikones which held a bottle of ayiasmos brought to her from the Holy Land. The home's place of prayer symbolizes a way of identifying oneself as Greek Orthodox, and in the simple act of placing a carnation in the frame of the eikona, or a palm from Palm Sunday, one engages in a dynamic relationship with the larger Greek Orthodox community. Yet, as the dialectic between church and home, evidenced by such time-honored rituals as placing religious objects from church services on the eikones, persists, women's role in that dialectic has lost its vitality

Finding themselves in a world vastly different from their grandmothers, third-generation Greek American women face a more efficient church system that has assumed an assertive role in educating members on religious issues to keep an extremely diverse community together. While addressing the needs of a changing community, influenced especially by interfaith marriages, the church has become an influential (if not primary) source of religio-cultural instruction. Through clergy-laity newsletters, a church-sponsored newspaper, Bible and prayer-book classes, and youth retreats, the church standardizes information about worship and religious culture and distributes it on a national basis. As more young people participate in retreats where they are taught traditions of domestic religious devotion through church direction, they engage in new systems of cultural transmission. This change has given young people, both men and women, wider access to

religious culture, creating a renewed interest in the private sphere as a place for religious devotion. Fourth-generation descendants now have a chance to acquire the tradition of sacred centers in the home where their third-generation mothers may have abandoned it.

While some see this shift as a resurgence of religious practice in the home, it is important to recognize how a switch in the means of cultural transmission has occurred and what that suggests about Greek Orthodox women's heritage of religious authority. What has been accomplished in the institutional supervising of religious training is the maintenance of a fluid relationship between church and home. What has changed is the role of women as activators of religious ritual in the household Third-generation women's religious activity has retained its aspect of a personal means of religious devotion but has lost its prominence as a means of active engagement for women in the religious maintenance and education of family. Several third generation respondents mentioned that they were involved in more Bible classes and religious conferences than their mothers were The aspect of study, brought into the home by the second generation, has given women's domestic religious tradition an institutional character, dependent on written authority more than on modeling. It is not unreasonable to assume that as church members attend religious classes and conferences, they participate less in the kind of domestic religious culture characteristic of immigrant women's tradition and more in the prescribed style of church authority. While keeping a sacred center in the home has been traditionally encouraged by women, they are no longer the central vehicle through which its inheritance proceeds. Where third generation women acquired religious "training" from both memory of women's active engagement and written authority, their children are more likely to gain religious education through written and church-regulated sources than from home custom. Responsibility for religious training has shifted into the hands of the church.

The switch from modeling as a means of cultural transmission to institutionalized, formal religious training can be illustrated in another way. Inter-religio-cultural marriage has become a permanent feature in Greek Orthodox communities.55 As a result, formal instruc-

56 When our grandparents identified themselves as Greek, they signified their religion, culture, and geography through one word, Greek Ethnic and religious identity were inextricably tied to each other and to the land of Greece However, in an American setting dispersement and diversity have forced Greek communities to affiliate in new ways One example is the experimentation with labels such as Orthodox Christians or Eastern Orthodox that church communities have acquired (instead of Greek Orthodox)

tion, an effective way to educate converts, has naturally evolved. The recent publication of A Guide toGreek Traditions and Customsin America is an embodiment of the demand on the Greek Orthodox community to meet the needs of a varied and diverse audience.56 In the preface, author Marilyn Rouvelas (a non-Greek) explains that when she "met her Greek-American husband in 1965, everything from the food to the church services was literally foreign" to her. After her conversion to Greek Orthodoxy, she adopted the many customs which have "inalterably changed [her] life." Addressing the dual needs to explain to converts and also to "preserve" these customs, she compiled a kind of guide to Greek Orthodox culture. Among the traditions secured upon A Guide's pages is a section describing katekia ekklesia: "If possible, locate the ikonostasi [collection of icons] on an east wall of the house so that you face east while praying some people prefer an upstairs hallway; others select the parents' bedroom The choice is yours." The rest of the section defines the items and their "official" purpose. What is significant to this paper is that publishing what previously has been considered natural custom—just habits of the home confirms the changed audience claiming Greek Orthodox identity and culture as well as the changed nature of acquiring "custom." The book, written mostly in imperative voice, places custom in the context of a new authority—the written guide. The author generously hopes that her "book may spark new enthusiasm" among immigrants' descendants and aid a rising group of converted members to feel more included and able to "share the Orthodox faith and recognize it as a powerful bond that transcends geography and ancestry."57

The guidebook's ambition is both to revive and preserve Greek Orthodox culture. In the process it has become a new cultural product, that is, an example of how new infrastructures are being created through which Greek religio-cultural identity is issued. Guide books, similar to church Bible classes, are important strategies through which people meet the challenge of keeping diverse communities together. These new approaches indicate a dynamic, ever-changing process of culture. To be sure, preservation on paper ensures the life of one kind

56 Texts were distributed through a speaking tour by the author to various Greek Orthodox communities throughout the United States

57 Marilyn Rouvelas, A Guide to Greek Traditions and Customs in America (Bethesda, Md.: Nea Attiki Press, 1993), p ix The hope of transcending geography and ancestry suggests that the Greek Orthodox communities in the United States are in a period of transition where the word Greek can no longer underpin their identity Unable to locate a word that comfortably identifies a common ancestry, contemporary communities continue to struggle for definition Where the word Orthodox ignores specific Greek history and culture, the word Greek ignores diverse ancestry common to interfaith marriage The early immigrants faced no such paradox

of authority, but it is unable to transmit another What seems to be left out is the potent nature—the emotions and substance—of our grandmothers' and mothers' practice, in motion. Blurred is the powerful realm of ministry for women that strengthened cultural and ethnic ties, nourished by the memory of the homeland. In some ways, the new emphasis on studying religion, preserving custom through the written word, and the present hope for Orthodoxy to transcend geography and ancestry have made our connection to women's traditional strategy of faith historical and nostalgic.

These changes suggest that an important shift in the function of the home altar tradition has occurred. It has retained its role as a resource of spiritual strength (where an individual may pray) and as a connection between home and church, but it has lost its vitality as a source of women's religious authority. Many third-generation women have become more dependent on the formal study of religion rather than a more active, visually ritualized expression learned through the custom of their ancestors. This shift in women's religious authority also indicates that a more formalized authority than modeling has become a primary means for religious training. While the themiato may be burning less in the homes of Utah's Greek Orthodox, the pages of Bibles and prayer books are turning more.

The variables determining how subsequent generations will engage in a tradition such as home altars are many and complex. Understanding the complete picture of how Greeks pioneered their cultural traditions in Utah means more than telling the story of building churches and setting down the rules of religious custom. It means remembering the hands making the sign of the cross, the lips moving for the repose of souls, the smell of incense, or the sight of the flickering flame infusing nights with a little bit of safety It means remembering how Greek immigrant women brought their community into the home and their history into a modern world. Their altars were not merely repositories or archives shelving old country relics, but a dynamic, vitalizing system symbolizing one's engagement in creating and maintaining a religious culture and identity.

Greek American poet, Eleni Fourtouni, confirms the vitality of her mother's religious life that gave the icons, kandilia, and prayers their potent nature. In "Death Watch," a poem memorializing her mother, she recreates her mother's image in relation to religious objects. The poem ends with the following words:

I am mute now my eyes hold only the shape of your coffin the silverplated icon reflects the flame of the oil lamp

I am blind now I remember only your face reflected on the flame.58

It is significant that she shapes her mother's image through the most personal religious objects, the kandili and the eikona. The ethereal reflection brings the nurturing of the lamp and the mother into a unified source of grace and comfort. One is remembered in dynamic relation to the other and like the pictures in our minds of the women who left a legacy of religious piety in Utah, the written poem is inseparable from the lived one It is shaped by the images reflected on an icon, a light, and a prayer

Divine Duty: Hannah Sorensen and Midwifery in Southeastern Utah

As HANNAH SORENSEN EMERGED from between the winding walls of Cow Canyon and into the outskirts of Bluff City, Utah, in August 1896, she must have had second thoughts about where she would spend the next six weeks Although Bluff could boast a number of stone houses and public buildings, the town was small and still a teenager in its development, having been founded only sixteen years before. Compared to the conveniences of Provo and the Wasatch Front she had left behind, Bluff had little to offer. Indeed, of all the places where Hannah had

Robert S McPherson, Blanding, is an instructor at the College of Eastern Utah-SanJuan campus and serves on the Advisory Board of Editors for UtahHistoricalQuarterly.

been dispatched to teach her Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class, Bluff must have seemed one of the most austere and remote.1 But in keeping with the tradition of hard work and sacrifice that characterized midwifery as a profession, she accepted her assignment and six weeks later left behind an important legacy. Working under difficult circumstances was not new to Hannah. Her life had been as bumpy as the road that brought her to Bluff She had graduated from the Royal Hospital of Denmark in 1861 at age twenty-five and worked for the Danish government practicing obstetrics for the next twenty-two years. The government provided her with a lovely home for her ten children and husband, while her job assured her prestige at a time when women struggled to break into the professional world But these benefits did not offset the pain of an unhappy marriage caused primarily by differences in religious beliefs.2

In 1883 Hannah joined the Mormon church and was told immediately that "a Mormon could not occupy any position under the government." When she lost herjob and her home, her husband left, too, forcing her to move to a poorhouse with her four youngest children. Friends immigrating to America offered to take her daughter, Maria, with them and Hannah consented Subsequently, her husband coerced authorities into taking her three sons, the youngest a baby, from her and placing them in foster homes. "Oh cruel day," she penned eleven years later, "when my little boys were snatched from my arms by the brutal police—my heart bleeds from the wound even this moment." Hannah was told that all would be restored if she would deny her new faith, but she remained steadfast Within a few months, having sacrificed everything for her beliefs, she was on her way to America with the help of the church.3

In Utah, devotion drove Hannah to assume a personal mission, under the sanction of church leaders, to enlighten women about medical practices. She took pride in her efforts, commenting that "the Lord blesses my work wonderfully."4 Her work became a consuming passion and suggests today's approach to holistic medicine. Far more was involved in healing a person thanjust working with the

1 By contrast, see the account byJoseph Eckersley, clerk of the LDS Wayne Stake, of the enthusiastic reception Hannah Sorensen received in Loa, in DeseretEvening News, March 8, 1895

2 Hannah Sorensen, "A Diploma of the First Degree," Our PioneerHeritage, 20 vols (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1958-77), 6:402-4

3 Ibid

4 Ibid

physical body In 1889, while lecturing in Sevier County, Hannah had said:

The course taken in practicing obstetrics in all the civilized world is in many ways very wrong and contrary to the true principles of nature Midwifery, as I understand it, embraces the natural laws of procreation and explains the mission of woman It embraces her life and duties, we may say, from the cradle to the grave. 5

Thus, when the course began in Bluff on August 20, 1896, Hannah taught a new perspective and philosophy on health care that differed from accepted practices of the day

Her critique of obstetrics was even more broadly representative of attitudes in remote communities. Although physicians were a rarity in small Mormon settlements like Bluff, the general feeling toward orthodox medicine was one of mistrust Many doctors in rural areas practiced with very little formal training and relatively little "reading" about medicine. Most physicians who had graduated from college preferred life in the East to the isolation of frontier settlements One historian remarked that not a single orthodox doctor practiced outside Salt Lake City prior to 1870.6

Hannah

Among Mormons, mistrust of the profession can be traced to early church leaders. Brigham Young spoke openly against the "surgeon's medicine"and warned Captain Jefferson Hunt of the Mormon Battalion:

If you are sick, live by faith, and let the surgeon's medicine alone if you want to live, using only such herbs and mild food as are at your disposal;

if you give heed to this counsel, you will prosper; but if not, we cannot be responsible for the consequences A hint to the wise is sufficient.7

Ineffective medical practices and an upsurge of promising herbal remedies fueled such sentiments. Samuel Thomson's patented system of botanical treatments in his book New Guide toHealth, or Botanic Family Physician (1813) significantly influenced medical practices of the day.

Willard Richards, Thomas B. Marsh, and Frederick G. Williams were among early church leaders who joined the Thomsonians. For twenty dollars and a pledge of secrecy, they received his book and became doctors of herbal medicine From their positions within the church they and other leaders influenced the membership in general. It is not surprising, for example, that when Joseph Smith called Ann Carling as a midwife, he told her to use herbs exclusively.8

The Popular Health Movement of the 1830s, which formed in New England and spread to Ohio, denounced the use of alcohol, tobacco, tea, coffee, opium, and other stimulants. While not entirely focusing on herbal healing, members advocated a botanical approach The movement also espoused moderation in diet, encouraging the use of grains and denouncing excessive meat consumption. Much of what is expressed in the LDS Word of Wisdom parallels these health reform tenets.9

Disease was prevalent in early Utah settlements due to primitive sanitary conditions Church leaders established the Council of Health around 1850 to teach sufferers to treat themselves with herbal remedies. Council meetings were so heavily attended that within two years they were moved to the spacious Tabernacle Women traveled long distances to learn about home herbal remedies and to hear speakers preach against the evils of "the poison doctors."10

Around 1850 priesthood healing was reemphasized since members had become increasingly reliant on "the arm of flesh" in treating their afflictions. In 1852, Brigham Young taught:

When you are sick, call for the Elders, who will pray for you, anointing with oil and the laying on of hands; and nurse each other with herbs, and mild food, and if you do these things, in faith, and quit taking poisons,

7 N Lee Smith, "Herbal Remedies: God's Medicine?," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 12 (Fall 1979): 43

8 Ibid., pp. 40-43; Blanche E. Rose, "Early Utah Medical Practice, Utah Historical Quarterly 10 (1942): 44

9 Smith, "Herbal Remedies," p. 40.

10 Ibid., pp., 44-45

and poisonous medicines, which God never ordained for the use of men, you shall be blessed.11

Near the end of his life Young moderated his attitude towards orthodox medicine, and he admonished people to be wise in using "every remedy that comes within the range of. . . knowledge."12

Young had long advocated the role of women as midwives because it seemed compatible with a woman's nature to serve and care for the sick and those in childbirth. Modesty also necessitated midwives Even into the 1930s many women preferred having a female midwife over a male doctor to deliver their children.13

Once discouraged from studying medicine, women were being told by 1868, "The time has come for women to come forth as doctors in these valleys of the mountains."14 Although some became doctors, their numbers were few compared to the demand. Undaunted by fairly primitive circumstances, midwives continued to meet a wide range of health care needs Their role did not begin and end with childbirth; the scarcity of doctors placed added responsibility on them to treat injury and illness as well One midwife in the 1900 census listed her occupation as "nurse."15 In the community, however, she was described as the "doctor, the obstetrician, the allround [sic] physician for disorders physical and mental."16

Although midwives treated a range of maladies, they were armed mostly with folk remedies local to the area For example, a journal kept by MaryJones, a Bluff midwife, included instructions for setting a broken limb. She wrote that the bone was set by "pulling on it and pressing with the thumb and fingers until you feel it slip into place." Then, while applying pressure, the fracture was wrapped with cotton and "board splints a little of an inch wide all around then bandaged with a bandage dipped in starch (made with cornstarch or flour)." When the dressing had dried and been trimmed, the patient was then confined to bed for a while to restrict movement.17 Other folk reme-

11 Linda P Wilcox, "The Imperfect Science: Brigham Young on Medical Doctors," Dialogue: A Journal ofMormon Thought 12 (Fall 1979): 28.

12 Joseph R Morrell, "Medicine of the Pioneer Period in Utah," UtahHistorical Quarterly 23 (1955): 131

13 Divett, "Medicine and the Mormons," p. 5.

14 Wilcox, "The Imperfect Science," p 33

15 Toni Richard Turk, Rooted in SanJuan: A GenealogicalStudy of Burials in San Juan County, Utah, 1879-1995 (Salt Lake City, 1995), p 285

16 Albert R Lyman, "Josephine C Wood: Nurse of the SanJuan Frontier," p 1, Special Collections, Lee Library, Brigham Young University

17 MaryJones, notes titled, "The Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class of Bluff, August 20, 1896," p 15, in authors' possession

dies included sagebrush and Brigham tea which served as stimulants, blood purifiers, and cure-alls Milkweed, tobacco, whiskey, or black mud cured snake bites; sometimes a live toad, frog, or chicken was cut open and placed on the bite to draw the poison. When physical remedies failed, priesthood-holders provided anointing and the layingon-of-hands for divine aid.18

This last point is important. In nineteenth-century Mormon culture, sickness and physical distress were healed as much by supernatural means as physical remedies. Prayers of faith were as powerful as any elixir. That is why, for instance, one San Juan County midwife, known affectionately to Mormon and gentile as "Aunt" Jody Wood, relied heavily on faith and priesthood authority When she received her calling as midwife from Bluff bishopJens Nielson, she said, "I'm as green as a cucumber and I don't know how babies are born."Jody was promised during a blessing "that if she would do her best, she would be led by the Holy Spirit." During her first delivery she panicked. The baby's umbilical cord was wrapped tightly around its neck. Not knowing how to proceed, she heard the voice of Bishop Nielson from behind tell her plainly what to do When she turned around she was alone, but the baby had come safely into the world.19

A midwife was a prominent symbol of social order as she fulfilled her responsibilities within the community. A knock on the door at any hour was often all the warning a midwife would receive One such person, Olive Myrtle Black Palmer, began practicing nursing and midwifery around 1899. Whenever the need arose, "Aunt" Myrtle could be seen wearing her apron, walking along the dusty streets with her

18 Austin and Alta Fife, Saints of Sage and Saddle:

257-58

19 Clair Noall, "Mormon Midwives," Utah Historical Quarterly 10 (1942): 133; Frances H Hoopes, "Josephine (Jody) Chatterley Wood: Midwife of San Juan," Blue Mountain Shadows 2 (Fall 1988): 35; Lyman, "Josephine C Wood," p 3

little black bag. Her appearance was an indication that "somebody was going to have a baby."20

Sometimes the delivery of a baby could last for days Once preparations had been made, all the midwife could do was encourage and reassure the mother. If complications arose the midwife called in the elders and they prayed at the bedside for the patient's muscles to relax. After delivery the midwife visited daily to bathe and care for mother and child, or the midwife stayed with the family during the mother's ten-day confinement Often she did all of the housework, including cooking, washing, and supervising the children, while caring for the mother and her infant.21

Fortunately, the midwives were devoted to their practice, for they received little monetary reward. Fees ranged from $2.50 to $10.00 for delivery and duties during confinement. Jody Wood charged $2.50 until Stake President Walter C. Lyman insisted on paying her $10.00 for delivering his son. She felt $10.00 was too much. After that, at the insistence of Bishop Nielson, Jody settled her fee at $5.00, although, on occasion, she also accepted goods and commodities in trade Myrtie Palmer charged $10.00 for delivery and ten days of care; however, she delivered six children in a certain family without receiving a penny and went back and delivered a seventh child because her skills were needed. 2

Training for midwives became increasingly popular in the latter half of the nineteenth century In 1873 Eliza R Snow organized a medical program through the Relief Society that invited two or three women from each ward in the church to come to Salt Lake City for instruction in hygiene, nursing, and midwifery.23 Among others, Dr. Ellis R. Shipp, considered "Utah's Grand Old Lady," taught "hundreds of women [who] went out from her classes to take to all corners of Utah . . . instructions in the basic principles of obstetrics and home nursing."

Obviously, midwives learned much from experience. Many possessed a natural instinct and desire to be of service. Their demeanor had a calming influence on patients that was comforting at a time when medicine alone was inadequate in treating afflictions. Albert R.

20 Ida Nielson and Venice Lyman, interview with Erin Hubble and Robert S McPherson, Blanding, November 16, 1994

21 Dockstader, "Angels of Mercy," p. 14; Noall, "Mormon Midwives," p. 118.

22 Hoopes, "Josephine (Jody) Chatterley Wood," p 36; Nielson and Lyman interview

23 Carol Cornwall Madsen, "Creating Female Community: Relief Society in Cache Valley, Utah, 1868-1900,"/oMrn«/ of Mormon History 21 (Fall 1995): 133; Rose, "Early Utah Medical Practice," p. 31.

Lyman, a local historian, noted that at age sixteen he suffered from a terrible boil or abscess on his back. It had been poulticed with everything imaginable without improvement. He was in such agony that he could not bear to have anyone come near him until his father sent for Jody Wood:

When she came, for she came without any delay, and I twisted my neck to look u p at her face, it radiated assurance, it inspired cheer Her voice gave me courage. She said that the abscess, or whatever it was, needed to be lanced, and that I would not feel much pain. It was magic; the magic of love an d sympathy and faith. It was wonderful; she had something which few doctors have: the power of projecting her courage into the souls of people who are in sickness and in sorrow, and doing for them what no medicine can do.24

So when Hannah Sorensen arrived in Bluff in August 1896 many people realized the importance of her visit.25 Twenty-six women from the Four Corners area attended the special nursing course sponsored by the Relief Society. Although it was designed for midwives, other women could and did attend, and Sorensen encouraged all women to participate.26

She had written her own text in 1892—

Notes Writtenfor the Benefit

ofMembers of the Woman's Hygienic PhysiologicalReform Classes. Her purpose was two-fold. She could not find a textbook she agreed with, and she wanted her students to have a reference to take home. She told the class to take notes every day "so that there would be no room for misunderstanding concerning the instructions given."27 Mary Jones, the daughter of Bishop Jens Nielson and wife of Kumen Jones, kept faithful notes. In a photograph of those attending, Mary is clearly visible on the front row with her notebook open and pen poised. Her writings now serve as an important record of what

transpired

All of the women, despite the inexperience of some, were instructed in midwifery. Sorensen, anticipating the question, stated:

I suppose you will say: Why is that necessary we do not intend to be midwives No, not practicing midwives, but you do intend to possess the same physical knowledge of the female system as a midwife should possess, which is right and proper you should ... . it means a qualification that you, everyone of you, should possess.

24 Lyman, "Josephine C Wood," p 4

25 Wilmer Bronson, "Marion Frengler Bronson: Midwife of Monticello," Blue Mountain Shadows 5 (Fall 1989): 65

26 Hannah Sorensen, Notes Writtenfor the Benefit ofMembersof the Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Classes (Provo: Dispatch Press, 1892), p 3

27 Ibid., p 2

According to Sorensen's text, a midwife is one who comprehends "a knowledge of woman and her offspring during pregnancy, labor, and the puerperal state."28

Ideally, a midwife's qualifications included much more than just delivering babies: "The nature of her labor requires a healthy, skillful, intelligent, and truthful woman . . . refined, quiet, and sensitive ... a true lady. When called out, she should be prepared against contagious diseases that she shall not be the cause of bringing any diseases to the lying in woman either from unclean hands or clothes." She must keep strict confidence, never indulging in "slander nor scandal."29

Many of Sorensen's qualifications correspond with those of her contemporary, Dr. Ellis Shipp. In the May 18, 1888, issue of the Utah Sanitarian, Shipp listed the qualifications nurses should possess:

They should be pleasant; look clean, particularly the finger nails; should be good cooks, and serve food artfully; see that there is sunlight and air;

Ibid., pp 3, 4

Ibid., pp 4-5

bathe the patient; not be too talkative in the sick room; should not communicate a sick person's thoughts and actions to others.30

Sorensen felt strongly about virtuous women and the kind of men they should marry: "A man of God is he who, above everything, regards the laws of God; who would sacrifice earthly comfort and pleasure ... he who will sacrifice his own selfish, human cravings if they are of such a nature that he thereby injures the true happiness, health, and virtue of the woman given to him in holy wedlock." Her "law of continence" stated that "The reproductive element, or organs . . . were not given to man and woman, were not placed in their body for the sake of gratification of fleshly passions, but for another great and Divine purpose, namely, reproduction . .. . " Therefore, "Men and women should not indulge in sexual intercourse during pregnancy or during the nursing period for their children will inherit licentiousness." Mary Jones recorded in her notes, "To bring into subjection these passions, we should not use spice, liquors, beer, nor meat." A man of God "must be free from bad and contaminating habits such as drinking, gambling, smoking, swearing, blaspheming, and . . . promise to live a strict continent life." One reason for this belief, Sorensen stated, was that "the wife is poisoned by having a husband that uses tobacco, by intercourse with him, for nicotine is all through his body and there is a large portion of this in the semen, and the delicate organs are so susceptible that they become diseased."31

Considering Sorensen's own marital difficulties, one can understand her belief that "Instead of happiness, marriage has, in many instances brought the greatest misery." Moreover, she wrote, "I do not pretend to give any specified explanation of married life." She did, however, expound that it was the lot of women to bear the brunt of physical suffering when the law of continence was ignored. So, she felt it her duty to "stand up as a defender."32

Having established this foundation, Sorensen explained that the purpose of the Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class was to study three subjects: "Hygiene, Obstetric, and Sexual-Physiology." All are "linked to the other," she explained, "and all included in the life-history of every daughter of God." She went on, "We must understand Nature's laws in order to be governed by them. The soul, mind and body are

30 Rose, "Early Utah Medical Practice," p 31

31 Sorensen, Notes, pp 29, 31;Jones, notes, pp 5-6

32 Hannah Sorensen, What Women Should Know (Salt Lake City: George Q, Cannon & Sons Co., 1896), pp 62-63; Sorensen, Notes, p 31

inseparably connected, hence, our instructions will be spiritual as well as physical. Perfect law and reason in everything should be our constant study."33

Mary Jones's notes are interspersed with Sorensen's advice: avoid "feather beds [which] gather all kinds of germs and filth;" and "the more sensitive of two bed fellows will absorb the poison excretions from the body of the other," causing "languor and nervousness" upon arising.34

After thirty-one years of medical service, Sorensen concluded that the practice of obstetrics in her day was contrary to natural principles. She expressed dismay that her classes were not more widely attended, but that did not diminish her zeal to teach. "It is hard to sin against knowledge, if we have any hope or character," she wrote, "but easy to do wrong in ignorance." She believed that "misery is brought upon woman because of a lack of knowledge of natural laws" and warned:

Wake up, especially you daughters of Zion, to see the grandeur of your mission, to see the wonderful and perfect laws by which an all-wise an d almighty Creator has surrounded you, and by which, if complied with, you will safely be carried through and escape not only the misery but the fear.35

Sorensen preached that women should understand their physiology in order to eliminate fear of the unknown and increase their ability to handle the unexpected Thus, her instruction began with an overview of a woman's reproductive anatomy Mary Jones's notes detailed an anatomical description of the female pelvis: "There is no difference in the pelvis of a large and a small woman. God created them to bear children, the large as well as the small.... Hence we see God's wisdom. We were all formed to bare [sic] children."36

3 Sorensen, Notes, p. 2.

4 Jones, notes, p 5, 9

5 Sorensen, Notes, pp 2, 6, 46

6 Jones, notes, pp 3, 15

Jones's next entry described the fetal head's construction, including cranial bones, sutures, regions on the skull, and fontanelle (or "soft spot"). Sorensen taught these concepts to help them understand the "precedings [sic] of delivery":

By comparing the form and size of the fetal head with that of the pelvis, we will find how perfect and grand all these laws of nature are in harmony with each other; so wisely adapted to suit our welfare, if we will only learn this one grand lesson, to understand them in their fullness and beauty, and live accordingly.37

Much of the subject matter Sorensen taught was avoided by society "because of its delicacy." As a result, she felt that most people lived in gross ignorance. They needed to approach frankly these intimate topics to improve acceptance of the natural functions of a woman's body She asserted, "There is no shame connected with womanhood." The women in her class were taught every aspect of female development from puberty to maturity In discussing menstruation, Sorensen stated, "Awoman is not healthy because she menstruates, but in spite of it ... . Its cause, as also its treatment, is so little understood of woman-kind in general that it is one of the many causes for a woman's degraded physical condition today." Nosebleeds should not be attributed to irregular menstruation, she advised, and "Don't be afraid to wash when you menstruate." Her other teachings on this topic reveal nineteenth-century perceptions: Early menstruation was caused by "luxury, stimulants, indolence, hot rooms, pruriency of thought . . . novel reading, acting on the stage in love affairs, (yes we might as well say, that to witness these performances has the same effect)," and, she added, "secret associations with the opposite sex." Such things brought misery to the young woman and consequently, to the entire human race Sorensen cautioned mothers that medicine, baths, and "many other things too curious to be named" should not be employed to force menses during puberty Instead, mothers should examine whether their daughters were round dancing, "given to unnatural appetites . . . improper mode of dress . . . lack of physical work, and outdoor exercises."38

A balanced diet and proper hygiene were essential to good health for young girls as well as any other person. Sorensen advocated the use of "very little salt, no vinegar or pepper, nor anything strong and irritating to the delicate membranes lining the internal organs." The

37 Sorensen, Notes, p 10

38 Sorensen, What WomenShould Know, p 31;Jones, notes, p 12; Sorensen, Notes, pp 17, 20, 22-23

ideal diet should include plenty of fresh fruit and vegetables, "as near their natural state as possible, as fresh in the season thereof, or in cans put up fresh, also dried fruit stewed." Common vegetables should be properly prepared with sweet cream She considered bread the most important food if it was prepared carefully from coarse flour, ideally graham, and baked well. White bread was to be strictly avoided. Jones's class notes included a recipe for nutritious fruit sandwiches: "Spread slices of light whole wheat or graham bread with a little whipped cream, and then with fresh fruit jam lightly sweetened with fig sauce, or steamed figs, chopped steamed prunes, or sliced bananas . . . most relishable."39

Referring to the Word of Wisdom, Sorensen agreed that meat should be eaten sparingly: "One [person] thinks it sparingly to have meat once a day, another likes it more, and what he would call sparingly would be twice a day." Along those same lines, she advised, "We should not eat much meat and [teach] our children to spare animal life . . .we cannot do it while we kill animals to eat."40

In addition to her concern about diet, Sorensen decried the fashions of the day: "It is either through ignorance of the laws and principles which govern the beautiful, or lack of stamina, independence, and stability of character that the daughters of God throughout nearly all of the Christian nations have become such inveterate slaves on this subject." She believed that corsets and whalebones caused "the deformity his Satanic Majesty intended" by altering the shape of the pelvis and that constricting the generative organs rendered them "unfit for the mission the Creator designed them for." Women were counseled to wear comfortably fitting garments that hung from the shoulder, thus alleviating the weight and confinement of a banded skirt and allowing proper breathing. As for foundation garments, she advised, "Do not have colored under clothes, [since] it will cause sickness."41

In 1865 when Sorensen began her practice the science of bacteriology had advanced from ignorance of contamination to recognition of bacteria as a source of infection Hungarian obstetrician Ignaz Philipp Semmelweis, who died that same year, had discovered that transmission of infection to women after childbirth was pronounced

39 Sorensen, Notes, p 23;Jones, notes, p 27

40 Sorensen, Notes, p 25;Jones, notes, p 11

41 Sorensen, What Women Should Know, pp 56, 53, 58;Jones, notes, pp 5, 9 The controversy over proper, healthful fashion began as early as 1851. Patty Sessions, considered the mother of Mormon midwifery, wrote in her journal: "I went to Sister Smith's to help form a fashion for the females that will be more conducive to health than the long tight-waisted dress filled with whalebone and hickory that they wear now." See Noall, "Mormon Midwives," p 107

in hospitals but almost nonexistent in home births. He determined that the unsanitary practice of physicians moving from one patient to another and even leaving the autopsy room without washing increased chances of mortality for their patients. Although his findings were not well received, they eventually led to the adoption of more sanitary practices and a pronounced decrease in deaths of new mothers

With that knowledge firmly established, Sorensen explained in What WomenShould Know the nature of puerperal septicemia, or childbed fever. She defined the symptoms as a "fever beginning within the first week after labor—usually before the fourth day—attended with septic infection of the woman's blood and inflammation of one or more of the reproductive organs." She believed that the infection came from corruption within. Although colds and "milk fever," or the dispersion of breast milk throughout the body, were usually blamed, she thought the cause was "failure to reassimilate, or to excrete such products of tissue degeneration . . . [with] accumulation in the blood and . . . consequent increased susceptibility to other sources of infection. It is called self-infection." She believed that if the patient was "in a perfect or normal state of purity of body, there is no soil in which the germs or bacteria can flourish or multiply, for such can only live on dead or waste matter."42

Sorensen stressed strict aseptic procedures: Boiled bedcovers were to be used on the delivery bed to ensure they were free from germs. Midwives were instructed to "have a clean cloth to wrap around the child; white if you can get it. Do not use old dirty or colored cloth, for then the first breath of air the child breathes is impure and fills its lungs with impurities."43

Sorensen identified many sources of infection for the "lying in woman" and described them in detail:

It may be brought from other women already infected .. . on sponges, clothes, sheets, bed pan, instruments, or the hands of midwives or nurses, or even by neighboring women who are often in attendance to help . . . from persons suffering from contagious diseases as typhus fever, scarlet fever, measles, erysipelas, diphtheria, etc It may also have its origin from cadaveric poison, or poison conveyed from dead bodies.44

MaryJones noted: "Be very careful in regards to contagious dis-

42 Sorensen, What Women Should Know, pp Ill, 113

43 Jones, notes, p 36

44 Sorensen, What WomenShould Know, p 114

eases and be sure you do not carry germs with you to the sick room in your clothes." Women were counseled to change before waiting on another patient. "Do not wash the dead and then go to the sick room until you have been disinfected. Have a nail brush and clean your nails before waiting on a woman. Have carbolic with you and put a few drops in the water to wash."45

In cases of measles or skin diseases Sorensen advised the women to move the patient to a room away from others, remove curtains and carpets, and bathe the patient every day, twice if necessary. Soiled clothing and bedclothes were to be wrapped inside a towel soaked in carbolic, removed without exposing them to those in other rooms, and put directly into boiling water.46 In spite of these instructions, measles, one of the most communicable diseases of childhood, swept through Bluff in 1899. A notation made byJody Wood on the front page of her "Record of Babys Born" stated: "All the children in Bluff had the measles in the months of November and December 1899. All of our children have had them."47

During the course of her instruction Sorensen covered all phases of pregnancy, labor and delivery, including how to cut the umbilical cord, treating the diseases of pregnancy, and care for the woman and

45 Jones, notes, p. 34.

46 Ibid., p 15

"Jody

(Fall 1988): 32-41

newborn during confinement.48 One would expect no less from a midwifery course, but obviously Sorensen taught much more than that.

She concluded her instruction by answering questions such as "how early is it proper to instruct our girls and boys concerning the natural laws by which they, as physical beings, should be governed?" That time will be made known to a mother by the spirit of God, Sorensen explained, which will also enable her "to explain such principles as these .... It takes a wise woman to be mother of children of God." Near the end of her prepared text she stated: "I have now written down in these notes, some of my ideas concerning women physically, and such as concern our sex in general."49 She told her Bluff class that they would all be qualified to act as nurse and midwife when the need arose.

Toward the end of herjournal, MaryJones entered this notation: "Farewell to my Lovely Class. We have met and now we shall part. Shall we ever meet again? Each answers: Perhaps. I thank God that He caused me to meet you on myjourney."50 Besides this sharing and friendship, what were the lasting effects of Hannah Sorensen's instruction? The gravity of their education was indicated by this sober notation in Mary's notebook: "A mistake made in midwifery cannot be corrected. That chance is gone forever and a life may be lost."51 It seems logical to assume that every woman retained what mattered most to her from the instruction. Each resumed the cadence of her daily routine, some with the newly added responsibility of midwife. For many of the women, that burden was most certainly lightened by their encounter with Hannah Sorensen.

The need for midwives in remote southeastern Utah remained for many years. They continued to attend women in childbirth, nurture newborns, console grieving families, and treat the injured and infirm Epidemics of smallpox, typhoid, diphtheria, and influenza pressed them into action during the first quarter of the twentieth century. Rural Utah was often hard hit by contagion because of a reluctance to accept vaccinations that continued for decades.

In 1908 and 1909 the hazards of contagion in San Juan County prompted the selection of district quarantine officers who enforced regulations meant to curb the spread of diseases such as diphtheria.

48 Sorensen, Notes, index

49 Ibid., pp. 64, 65.

50Jones, notes, p 33

51 Ibid., p 34

Additionally, health officers assumed the responsibility to bring towns in the county into a "sanitary condition."52 This included everything from control of garbage collection and manure removal to protecting outhouses from an invasion of flies.

As acceptance of orthodox medicine increased, medical personnel were still reluctant to practice in rural communities. The scarcity of doctors in SanJuan County meant suffering and death for some. In 1911 fifteen-year-old Parley Hunt, son ofJoseph and Adalaid Hunt, fell with his horse near Bluff and a broken rib punctured his lung. "They brought him home twelve miles," wrote his mother "He lived thirtysix hours and suffered a thousand deaths. We sent 75 miles for a doctor, but he could do him no good" and Parley died.53 Advanced local care might have saved the boy's life.

The first doctor to practice in San Juan County located in Monticello in 1914 but stayed less than a year; a second doctor lasted only a few years. The first successful attempt to keep a doctor in Monticello for an extended period did not occur until 1929 when county residents retained the services of Dr C R Spearman by guaranteeing his income.54

Because of the lack of trained physicians, midwives served for a longer period in San Juan County than in other, more populated regions. Some students of Hannah Sorensen's Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class were still practicing nursing and midwifery well into the twentieth century Did her students understand in 1896 the important contributions they would make to society during their lifetime? If length of service is an indicator, they certainly did.

Class member Marian Frengler Bronson of Monticello listed her occupation as "nurse" in the census of 1910 and "general nursing" in 1920. In addition to these duties, she raised six children and held various church positions. As one relative wrote, "She heard the cries of those in trial, and closed the eyes of the dying." After forty-seven years of service, she died in 1935.55

MaryJones was the mother of only one son, born in 1889 when she was thirty-one. She labored as nurse and midwife with any who

52 Cornelia Perkins, Marian Nielson, and Lenora Jones, The Saga of San Juan (Salt Lake City: Mercury Publishing Company, 1957), p 257

53 John LaRay Hunt interview, John Hunt Family History (n.p., n.d.), copy in possession of authors

54 Robert S. McPherson, A History of SanJuan County (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society and San Juan County Commission, 1995), pp 275-76; Stephanie Singer, "Early Medical Care," Blue Mountain Shadows 8 (Summer 1991): 67

55 Turk, Rooted in SanJuan, p 377; Bronson, "Marion Frengler Bronson," p 65

needed her services—Anglos, Navajos and Utes. She died at age seventy-five in 1933.56

Mary's sister-wife, May Lyman Jones, also a student of the course, had ten children, losing two in infancy. She did not practice midwifery but made it possible for Mary to be away from home by taking on added domestic responsibilities. When May was forty-two she was severely burne d and died as a result in April 1906. Mary then became a second mother to the children.57

Jody Wood, a legend of heroism in San Juan County, came to the course already knowledgeable Her journal, "Record of Babys Born," showed that she had already been delivering babies for a decade. Although her first delivery was entered as December 19, 1886, she noted at the bottom of the first page: "I did not keep a record of this at first and now I put them down as I get them." Despite her experience, Jody was always anxious to enhance her education. Her sister and fellow classmate, Caroline Nielson Redd wrote: "She took care of me when eight of my children were born. Sometimes Aunt Mary Jones came with her, and when these two good women entered my home, all fear left ... . If there is such a thing as perfection on the earth, Aunt Jody can be counted as such. To know her was to love her." The last baby Jody delivered was a girl born to Mr. and Mrs. Walter C. Lyman, in September 1908 She passed away six months later on February 1, 1909, at age fifty-six, having served diligently since 1882.58

Of most midwives it can be said that they constantly gave of themselves, providing an important service to the community. Myrtle

Palmer, for example, delivered 501 babies, beginning in 1889, only two of which died, and she lost no mothers. She continued nursing until age seventy-two, when her health failed. In 1949 she died at the age of eighty-four.59

And what of Hannah Sorensen, dedicated instructor of the 1896 Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class? As the Relief Society celebrated its fiftieth year in 1892, Hannah wrote a brief autobiographical sketch for a "jubilee box" prepared by the Provo Fourth Ward The container was opened twenty-five years later From her own history we learn that Hannah sacrificed everything for her new-found faith. After arriving in America in 1883, she was reunited with her Maria. Both mother and daughter were saddened by the absence of the little boys. Tragically, Maria passed away three years later.

In 1885 Hannah entered into plural marriage, receiving "very litde comfort and no support from him [her husband]." Still, she felt satisfied by fulfilling what she believed was right. Six years later, Hannah's nineteen-year-old son, Christen, discovered his mother's whereabouts andjoined her. She wrote of him, "He was baptized into the Church about nine months ago—thanks to the Lord. What a joy that boy is to my soul I will hope still that more of my children will come."

In 1892, the same year that What Women Should Know was published, she included her life sketch, as a letter addressed to her youngest son, in the "jubilee box" along with "my picture as I look now, and a little relic for your wife, or your daughter, also a lock of my hair." And so her letter ended.

An update was added by Christen's widow years after the jubilee box was opened. Eventually, Hannah learned that her first husband had immigrated to Chicago with her children and made them give him their earnings from whateverjobs they could find Ultimately, she was reunited with her children in Chicago and spent her last days there.60 Although no record of Hannah's death has been found, Mary Jones's classjournal records a sentiment expressed by Hannah: "When I die, I do not want any show displayed. I appreciate your kindness to me here, and I shall never forget it. I will take these feelings with me into the Eternal worlds."61

59

B0 Sorensen, "A Diploma," 6:403-4

61 Jones, notes, p 28

Certainly Hannah's principles represent the actions and beliefs of many of the midwives she taught. Grounded in the very tangible world of birth, sickness, and death, these women used their skill and knowledge to relieve suffering in the remote areas of southeastern Utah at the turn of the century. Some of Hannah's philosophy even seems prophetic for her time, as she wrote: "I sincerely believe that with wise treatment and a better understanding of 'how to live,' we may look for the day when difficulties in labor will be a thing of the past, and there will be no necessity for being confined to the bed as a result of delivery."62 To a certain extent we are seeing that day.Yet perhaps the most lasting lesson to come from Hannah Sorensen's class a hundred years ago is that values such as kindness, concern, and morality, when mixed with knowledge, serve as a powerful force to heal and comfort members of a society

62 Sorensen, What WomenShould Know, p 111

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The Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042-143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101-1182. The editor is MaxJ. Evans and the managing editor is Stanford J. Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher. The magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine

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"These Bloomin' Salt Beds": Racing on the Bonneville Salt Flats

1 HE 1996 HIT MOVIE Independence Day featured a train of recreational vehicles crossing the west Utah desert to a secret air force base. The spot was chosen for its eerie loneliness and emptiness, for its utter flatness, and for the strange sheen of its salt beds under the moonlight. One actor even remarked on the lack of perspective one has on the salt flats.

Utahns know the salt flats as more than a movie set Those who have traveled Interstate 80 from Salt Lake City to Wendover see it as one of the most featureless stretches of the interstate highway system

in the United States That very characteristic appeals to automobile racers who wish to compete on what has been one of the fastest places on earth. From 1935 to 1970 automobile racers broke the land speed record (the fastest speed traveled in an automobile) fifteen times on the Bonneville Salt Flats. In fact, more speed records have been broken at Bonneville than anywhere else in the world It is unlikely that any other racing venue in the world will ever accrue a speed record to rival that of Bonneville.

Yet the Bonneville Salt Flats have not been used to establish an absolute land speed record since 1970. Speed records are broken there every year for many classes of racing cars but not the land speed record. While it is true that since 1970 there have been fewer than a half dozen assaults on the land speed record, they could not take place at Bonneville. Once so attractive for high speed driving, Bonneville has not been used for that purpose for over twenty-five years

Located 130 miles from Salt Lake City, the salt flats are the remnants of Lake Bonneville that once covered nearly a third of Utah. They consist of hundreds of square miles of the flattest, most desolate land on the planet Standing on the salt flats, one can see the curvature of the earth. Nothing grows there. The result is a shimmering white surface that stretches endlessly in all directions, dazzling to the eye and confusing to the senses.

Shortly after the development of automobiles, men began racing them. Count Gaston de Chasseloupe-Laubat set the first land speed record in 1898 near Paris, France, by traveling 39.24 mph. His record was broken the next year, and speeds continued to increase as automobiles improved Eventually the Federation Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA) was established in France to set the rules, monitor the speeds, and validate records. At first cars simply had to travel one mile. In 1911 the FIA ruled a car had to run a course twice—once each direction—with the speeds to be averaged. Shortly thereafter the FIA also decreed a car must go at least 1 percent faster than the previous record in order to be accorded an official speed record.

Since speeds were still relatively moderate, for years these races took place in populated areas. But as the speeds increased, the drivers needed longer and longer tracks. As a result, entrepreneurs started looking at new venues.

In the United States, the Bonneville Salt Flats had an inauspicious

start as a race course In 1896 travel promoter Bill Rishel crossed the flats while helping locate a coast-to-coast route for a bicycle race. He discovered the salt flats were not bicycle friendly as his two-wheeler bogged down in the mud But he wondered how automobiles would perform. In 1907 he and two Salt Lake City businessmen tested the area with a Pierce-Arrow. Encouraged, Rishel urged other drivers to come to the flats. In 1914 he convinced a barnstorming driver, Teddy Tezlaff, to test his Blitzen Benz there. The railroad agreed to haul the car out if the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce could sell 100 tickets. The event was successful; 150 people turned out. Though Tezlaff went 141.73 miles per hour, faster than the record at Daytona Beach, automobile clubs refused to recognize the record According to Rishel, "Consequently the salt beds were forgotten and the flats faded into [temporary] racing oblivion."1

Rishel claimed that AbJenkins, a local Utah racer, finally brought fame to the salt flats Jenkins crossed the desert for the first time on his way to theJames J.Jeffries-Jack Johnson boxing match in Reno by riding the rails on a motorcycle "like a bronco-busting cowboy." He returned to the flats when Rishel asked him to race the train to the 1925 dedication of the new Lincoln Highway.Jenkins explained, "That was my first time on the salt with an automobile, and right then and there I realized the tremendous possibilities of those beds for speeding." He believed the salt which "appeared to be a large lake of frozen ice" was a good racing surface because there was open space and "the concrete-like salt" cooled the tires.2

Jenkins referred to the salt flats as the "ugly ducking" because of its unattractive and remote location Even after he set an unofficial 24hour endurance record (112.935 mph) on the salt in 1932, Salt Lake newspapers refused to carry the story for a week. "Bigwigs of the automobile concern" told him that it was foolish to take "a wild ride on a sea of salt somewhere in the middle of Utah's desert." ButJenkins continued to push the salt flats as the place for setting speed records.3

At the same time, a change was taking place in the racing world that made the salt flats a logical place to compete in spite of its distance from population centers and its inhospitable nature. Drivers had used stock machines for early automobile races and speed trials A per-

2 Ibid., 29, 34-35

3 Ibid., 17, 34-36

son could buy a car in the morning and race it that afternoon with a good chance of winning. However, as racing grew in popularity, drivers began to modify their cars and finally to build special cars for individual types of races. By the 1930s the fastest land speed racers were already too fast for most venues They were thirty to forty feet long with huge wheels and 1,000-horsepower aircraft engines. Lacking maneuverability and good brakes, they needed wide open space. Even Daytona Beach, where some impressive records had been set, was too small. Racers started looking for new places to drive. The salt flats became a likely candidate.

The year 1935 was pivotal for racing in Utah. After hearing Ab Jenkins's glowing reports, English racers started testing the area John Cobb, a fur broker, arrived first, hoping to breakJenkins's records. In his test run, Cobb broke twenty-four records, including distance traveled in an hour, on July 12 Two days later he started his twenty-fourhour endurance run. Despite bad weather, he set new records. The Salt Lake Tribune was impressed, reporting that Cobb "put away some 64 records in brine" such as 12-hour average speed, fastest average speed for 200 miles, and averaging 127.229 mph during a twenty-four hour period. The Tribune continued to cover activities on the flats, including Jenkins regaining his records which included the twentyfour hour average at 154.76 mph. 4

In August Sir Malcolm Campbell, the world's foremost auto racer of the time, arrived. Americans knew Campbell; he had already established the land speed record at Daytona Beach. Unable to top 300 mph there, he was ready to try a new place His tests on the salt flats were successful, and on September 3 he made an official try. Initially, the timekeeper showed that he had just barely missed the magic 300 number But when his required two runs were averaged, a recalculation showed that Campbell had attained 301.1202 mph. 5

Increasingly, race enthusiasts praised the Bonneville surface. Campbell himself, though never to return, was especially impressed. "The course appeared to be perfect , " he said "It was the most wonderful sensation that I have ever felt. Here we were, skimming over the surface of the earth, the black line ever disappearing over the edge of the horizon; the wind whistling past like a hurricane; and nothing in sight but the endless sea of salt with the mountains fifty

miles away in the distance I felt that we were skimming along the top of the world and the earth appeared to be acutely round." The British magazine The Autocar described the track as "a vast white expanse of salt, dead smooth, varying but little from day to day." The London Times explained, "The use of a smooth surface instead of the rippled, sandy beach of Daytona clearly meant much in the conversion of power into speed."6

U.S. publications also complimented the flats. Time magazine, for example, wrote: "No novelty, the Bonneville Salt Flats have been in their present position and equally well suited to high-speed automobile driving for centuries For 200 square miles the residual salt is as flat as a concrete highway, so hard that iron tent-stakes often bend when driven in ... . Moisture in the salt cools friction-heated tires. The salt's resistance minimizes skidding." According to the New York Times, "The record made in Utah speaks for itself." If a car was going to go fast, the track had to be "straighter and smoother" than Daytona Beach. After quoting this article, the Salt Lake Tribune editorialized, "In this recognition, Utah is made conscious of a natural asset, which merits progressive development."7

Racers continued to come to the salt flats during the rest of the 1930s.John Cobb and George Eyston came from England each year to compete for the land speed record Cobb, Eyston, and Jenkins also went after endurance records They bounced the records back and forth. It was a glorious decade for racing in Utah.

Each year brought electrifying runs and new records. A good example was 1938, the most spectacular year on the salt flats to date Both Eyston and Cobb set the land speed record within a month of each other. Eyston was not accorded the record at first because his car did not trigger the timing devices on the return trip. Officials claimed the "bright glare of the morning sun and the light reflection from the white salt beds . . . prevented the . . . shadow of the speeding white car from registering its image." Eyston painted his car black and set a record (345.49 mph) on the "snow-like plains." He commented the run was "one of the most casual trips I've made on the salt flats. . The course was in splendid condition and there was never a tendency to

6 "301.129 M.P.H.: Sir Malcolm Campbell's Own Story," The Motor: The National MotorJournal 68 (October 29, 1935): 23-24; "Bravo!," The Autocar, September 6, 1935, p 416a; The Times, September 4,

7 "Bluebird at Bonneville," Time, September 16, 1935, p 45; New York Times, September 5, 1935; Salt Lake Tribune, September 20, 1935

slip or skid." Cobb broke the record at 350.2 mph two weeks later, but within two days Eyston regained it at 357.5 mph. 8

While Cobb and Eyston set the records, the salt flats shared in the glory. The Tribune declared August and September "the biggest in all history with the eyes of the entire racing world centered on the greatest, safest and fastest course known." The paper was especially pleased that H.J. Butcher of Auckland, New Zealand, said the beaches of his home country "hardly compare to your salt flats. This is without question the greatest and safest racing course in the world." Eyston echoed those feelings: "There is no place in the world like these bloomin' salt beds."9

The outbreak of war in Europe interrupted racing for the Englishmen. Jenkins raced by himself in 1940, but the next year the United States entered the war and no one used the salt flats for the next several years. After World War II,John Cobb returned. However, either the salt was beginning to change ever so slightly or the higher speeds of the cars made it seem that way. A track that was perfect at 150 miles an hour seemed full of bumps and potholes at 350 The huge cars with their rock-hard tires and minimal suspension systems reacted harshly to imperfections.

Despite these concerns, both Cobb and Jenkins raced in 1947 for the Mormon Pioneer Centennial. Because of bad weather, Cobb stayed in Utah for over a month After setting a new land speed record of 394.2 mph in September, he decided not to continue to race because the course had taken "a severe pounding." Clem Schramm from Salt Lake City declared, "The course had been scraped so frequently that the 'top level'—the hard surface that makes the flats the greatest racing course in the world—-was all but scraped off."10 Cobb's record stood for fifteen years

Although there w r ere no new land speed records in the 1950s, amateurs developed new types of racing. Along with driving on open roads, hills, and oval tracks, some speed enthusiasts modified cars to see just how fast they would go In 1947 some of these hot rodders examined the salt flats, then wrote to the American Automobile Association (AAA), the organization which sanctioned their speed records at the time, and asked if they could use the flats to establish hot-

8 "Eyston at 347 m.p.h.," Newsweek, September 5, 1938, p.26; Salt Lake Tribune, August 28, 1938, September 15, 1938, September 17, 1938

9 Salt Lake Tribune, August 27, 1938, September 13, 1938, September 17, 1938

10 Ibid., September 17, 1947

Bob and Dick Pierson's chopped 33 Ford has been called the bestknown coupe in hot rod history. It racedfor over forty years.

rod records. The AAA somewhat loftily refused the request, arguing that it was "highly unlikely a 'hot rod' could ever achieve the speed of 203 miles an hour," the existing record for C-class cars.

But the amateurs did not give up. In 1948 they appealed to the Salt Lake City Bonneville Speedway Association. After studying the situation, the association agreed to let them experiment on the salt. A year later the Southern California Timing Association organized the first Bonneville National Speed Trials sponsored by Hot Rod magazine and Union Oil of California. The Salt Lake Tribune reported in 1949 that "these boys" had the same difficulties that Jenkins, Campbell, Cobb, and Eyston had experienced, but they all agreed "there's no place like it for real speed."11 After the first year, Speed Week became an annual event, weather permitting

The hot rodders were completely different from the land speed racers. In contrast to the likes of Cobb and Campbell, they came in home-designed, jerry-built contraptions that had only one thing in common with their forerunners: they went fast. In 1953 Life commented, "The glistening Salt Flats of Bonneville, Utah, were overrun this month by some of the oddest shapes the motor age has produced."12 Some drivers modified stock car chassis and used hoppedup V-8 engines. Others created new car types, using materials they found in junk yards and surplus shops. One type of car designed for the flats was the "lakester," built from airplane wings and belly fuel tanks Lakesters looked like teardrops with motors and wheels

Speed Week faced the usual problems: heat, winds, and the slippery track. As one article explained, "It's an inhospitable place, Bonneville The racing surface—it is salt, taste it—combines for cars, tools, and human beings the worst properties of beach sand, snow, and hydrochloric acid. It gets into everything, including the beer." But there were also the victories. The article continued, "The salt provides a superior straight-line racing [surface] when it is healthy. . . . Traction is marvelous (It's like ice with bumps.)"13

The 1960s were erratic years for the Bonneville Salt Flats, mostly because of the weather but also because the financial stakes had risen. Drivers searching for the land speed record started using huge machines weighing several tons, some propelled byjet engines. While racers of the 1930s used aircraft engines, these had been conventional piston engines, usually having twelve to sixteen cylinders, and generating about 1,000 horsepower. The jet engines, on the other hand, were larger, longer, bulkier, heavier, and produced several times the horsepower.

These new cars had several effects on racing and on the salt Jet cars were harder to control. In a conventional car, the engine is connected to the wheels, and the driver can control the car to some degree with the throttle. In ajet car the wheels roll freely, and the engine cannot be used for braking. Heavier, they tore up the salt as they sped over it Faster, they required better tires and improved brakes. (The 1960s saw the first widespread use of parachutes for brakes.)

The years 1964 and 1965 were the fastest yet on the salt. Drivers broke the land speed record nine times. Donald Campbell started 1964 by breaking the record (403.1 mph) on Lake Eyre in Australia, the last time that the record was to be held by a conventional, wheeldriven car. When the record returned to the salt flats on October 2, it was set by Tom Green at 413.2 mph in ajet car. He exclaimed, "The wind pressure and the rattling gave an impression of speed. I didn't have a sensation of things flying by, but of pressure and noises."14

Three days later Art Arfons set a new record at 434.02 mph; on one run he went 479 mph "Things go so durn fast that youjust don't know you're going," he declared. Convinced that his car was designed to go 500 mph, Arfons tried for that record two days later but blew a

13 Cory Farley, "If This Is a Race Weekend, Why Doesn't My Ulcer Hurt?," Carand Driver, February 1979, pp 97-98

14 Salt Lake Tribune,July 18, 1964, October 3, 1964

tire. Because a spare was not immediately available, he had to yield his place on the track.15

Then Craig Breedlove tried for the record. His first attempts were not successful. On October 12 he made one run at 452.9 mph, but the salt "tossed" the car on the return run Breedlove explained, "It was kind of a bumps-a-daisy feeling when I hit that stretch on my second run and I almost lost control of the car." The next day he set a new record of 468.72 mph, though still experiencing trouble with the rough salt. When he hit that same spot his head whipped around and smacked his helmet against the plastic canopy. 16

One day later Breedlove broke his own record, averaging 526.33 mph On the return run his steering failed, and when he tried to stop the chutes did not release As a result, Breedlove explained, "I marked every place I could get into trouble." He eventually hit a row of telephone poles that "sheared off like so many toothpicks" and then landed in a lake. After climbing out of the cockpit, Breedlove said, "I looked back at the car and it was like something unreal, like a cartoon. The tail was sticking out of the water and there was smoke coming out of the tailpipe."17

But the racing was not finished for the year On October 27, 1964, Art Arfons returned and averaged 536.71 mph, 2 percent better than Breedlove's record. On the second run, Arfons went 559.18 mph, and the extra power from the afterburner blew out the right rear tire. Arfons explained, "The salt was terribly rough. I almost didn't try for the record, but then my crew found out if I stayed on the outside it wasn't as bad. So I made the run right near the edge of the track, right by the timing lights." Art's brother, Walt Arfons wanted to try for the record in November, but rain prevented an attempt Instead Paula Murphy used Walt's car to set a new speed for a woman at 226 mph "on a short, slippery track."18

Drivers also broke records the next year. On November 12, 1965, Bob Summers, from Ontario, California, drove Goldenrod, a Chrysler Hemi V-8, at 409.277 mph, the fastest a conventional car had ever been driven The jet car record fell several times, too Breedlove, Art Arfons, and Breedlove again broke the land speed record during

15 Ibid., October 6, 1964.

16 Ibid., October 13, 1964, October 14, 1964

17 Ibid., October 16, 1964

18 Ibid., October 28, 1964, November 12, 1964, November 13, 1964; Paul Clifton, The Fastest Men on Earth (New York:John Day Company, 1966), p.238

November 2-15, 1965. Arfons talked about his plans to maintain the record, then added a word of caution:

The land speed record climbed 120 miles per hour last year For nearly 25 years the record wasn't broken. Now, with the jet engines, it's climbing too fast. Things that jum p that fast aren't good. We should be taking more time because we're now approaching the sound barrier, abou t which we know very little. But no one seems to want to slow down. So, we'll just have to be ready.19

First, Breedlove went for the mark on November 4. He clocked 544.283 and 566.394 mph on his two runs for an average of 555.339. Breedlove insisted that he went faster, noting that his gauges registered 575 mph. Then Art Arfons reclaimed the record at 576.55 mph. But on the second run he blew the right rear tire, lost a parachute, and ripped the right front tire His cockpit filled with smoke, and he drifted two and a half miles farther than he expected. After it was all over, he commented, "Look at my car. ... It looks like it was driven by a drunken driver." Breedlove wanted the record back, so he returned just a week later and again set a new land speed record at 600.60 mph. After the race, he said, "There is a lot of difference between 599 and 600 and breaking this barrier is a big thrill."20 But after these records, the pace slowed. Gary Gabelich broke the land speed record (630.388 mph) for the last time on the Salt Flats in 1970. Besides the broken records, there were also accidents and deaths

Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, 1965

Ibid., November 5, 1965, November 8, 1965, November 16, 1965

during the 1960s. In 1960 the course took on moisture. Athol Graham died in his attempt to set a land speed record. Mickey Thompson refused to try Donald Campbell, Malcolm's son, rolled his car but escaped with a minor skull fracture Andy Brown, who was part of Campbell's team and had also been with his father's team in 1935, told reporters that the salt was in "much worse condition" than it had been when Malcolm Campbell raced there. In September 1962 Glenn Leasher died in an attempted run in ajet car. A 1965 Sports Illustrated article referred to the 1960 and 1962 accidents and contended, "Bonneville has become worse than Darlington or Daytona or any of the major places where the death factor is present." Commenting that on other tracks such as the Indianapolis 500 and Daytona, a driver could walk away from a crash, the article explained, "At anything over 350 the sheer speed figures to kill him no matter how he's protected."21

The article correctly pointed out some of the problems at the salt flats. By this time the speeds were getting very high, and speed records frequently jumped by fifteen or twenty miles an hour. Racers began experimenting with new equipment that was lighter, sleeker, and sometimes more dangerous In order to be even reasonably safe at these speeds, the salt had to be perfect

Fortunately, the salt provided some protection at high speeds. According to Time magazine, "The Bonneville Salt Flats of Utah rank high on any list of the world's most desolate place, but they have a special fascination for a special kind of a fanatic: the speed demon." As unbelievable as it may sound, the article told of a motorcyclist who flipped at 150 mph in 1965 and walked away "muttering, T thought I had stopped.'" In 1969 when racing returned after several wet years, Hot Rod reported, "Mother Nature relented this year and the SCTA's 21st (and coming of age) Bonneville meet was one of the most successful in years The salt was perfect—[in] fact a little too perfect as a few contestants will testify. Several areas in midcourse were so smooth and hard they were actually slick, resulting in some rather spectacular spinouts."22

There was one death on the flats in 1969 that Hot Rod blamed on the car Bob Herda burned to death Observers explained he wanted "a perfectiy smooth and aerodynamically clean bellypan" so he did not

21 Ibid., August 2, 1960, August 15, 1960, August 10, 1962, September 17, 1960, September 11, 1962;Jack Olsen, "My Brother, My Enemy, in Speedland," Sports Illustrated, November 29, 1965, p. 84.

22 "Mr and Mrs Speedlove," Time, November 12,1965, pp 75-76; 78; Eric Rackman, "The Salt Was Fine in '69," Hot Rod, November 22, 1969, pp 30-33

"cut a drain opening under the engine." He also used pure oxygen in the breathing system The combination of leaking fluids and oxygen was lethal when his car caught on fire But the article continued, "There have been only two fatalities in SCTA's 21 years on the salt. No other major sport can equal that record."23

For years, only land speed racers and the amateur group from California used the salt flats. In 1987, however, a new group, the Utah Salt Flats Racing Association, started the "World of Speed" meet. According to the Salt Lake Tribune, "The salt will come alive for the second time in 45 days following annual 'Speed Week,' in August." Having another event would "focus more attention on the worldfamous salt flats, which have been used only sporadically for highspeed runs since the early '70s."24 Since 1987 USFRA and SCTA have continued to sponsor meets on the salt flats including "World of Speed" and "Speed Week." Later USFRA added the "Land Speed Opener" in July.

Spectators noticed the smoothness and safety of the salt Art Arfons brought a friend, Jim Cook, to the flats in 1965 For him it was

Ibid.

Salt Lake Tribune, September 28, 1987

unbelievable "I can't begin to compare it with the pictures It looks exactly like something you'd expect to find on the moon. It's really eerie." Wester Potter, a Salt Lake City businessman who has been visiting the flats since the 1950s, recently said, "It's like no other experience on earth. The salt is so white and so flat and the cars are so fast that you have trouble believing it's all real."25

Drivers at the Land Speed Opener inJuly 1994 also talked about the wonder and safety of driving on the salt. Phil Freduiger first came to the salt flats in 1958. He recalled, "It was like a super highway." The experience hooked him and he returned every year While he had never spun out, he explained, "If you spin here, you have got plenty of places to go. It is very seldom that people dig in and get sideways There have been a few deaths here over the years but very few."26

But drivers also talked about the dangers. After a frightening accident where the driver broke his leg, the Land Speed Opener was canceled. Chuck Small explained what was happening to the track just before the crash:

23 Ibid., August 7, 1965; Wester Potter personal conversation with Ron Shook,July 24, 1994

26 Phil Freduiger interviewed byJessie Embry, 1994, Bonneville Salt Flats Oral History Project, Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, Manuscript Division, Harold B Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah (hereinafter referred to as Bonneville Salt Flats Oral History)

As we started getting up over 200 miles an hour, the car has tendency to kind of wander a little bit As I was getting into it pretty good in high gear, I let it drift The rear tire hit the black line It just spun, and like that I started going sideways at about 205. I just lifted my foot off the gas and turne d into the way it was sliding It straightened itself right out again. But it kind of made me take a deep breath. I found out later that the surface was going away and I had hit some soft spots

But, Small added:

From the standpoint of racing this is the safest place that we have that we can go If we have a problem, we have so much run off area This car here has spun out thirteen times anywhere from 174 to 247 miles per hour One time it made thirteen revolutions. It has not offered to tip over on this surface This surface is really forgiving It is a neat place to be.27

For the racers traveling in the rarified atmosphere of the ultimate land speed, the view was different. Craig Breedlove explained, "Most people have a faulty impression of what it's like on the Salt Flats The salt isn't smooth—it's full of ridges and grooves, and in places the mud shows right through the crust. The course is 80 feet wide and believe me, it's a tough fight to keep on it through the full 11-mile course."28 Of course, Breedlove was going over 400 mph during these runs. Racing on the salt flats has continued to be problematic. There are frequently weather delays, and the track is not as long nor as smooth as when Campbell raced in 1935. Racers debate why, but their common scapegoat is a potash plant which made potassium chloride into a fertilizer. After his unsuccessful runs in 1963, Craig Breedlove told the press, "It's the only place of its kind in the world that you can make record speed runs and it's not going to last much longer unless it's preserved." He blamed the potash company's canal for "drain [ing] water off to process salt."29

A year later the Utah Department of Highways started work on the section of Interstate 80 that would run from Salt Lake City to Wendover, encroaching on the salt flats raceway. The Bonneville Speedway Association realized that the track would be smaller because of the highway, but they also received some improvements, including a highway exit and a paved road at the salt flats.30

After the new highway was completed, conditions continued to worsen. In 1965 racing officials complained of "a lack of brine." A state

27 Chuck Small interviewed byJessie Embry, 1994, Bonneville Salt Flats Oral History

28 Salt Lake Tribune, December 1, 1965

29 Ibid., August 24, 1963

30 Ibid., February 20, 1964

engineer drilled samples to "determine how much of the water is being drained from the surface and exactly where it is going." William Backman, who had worked with the Bonneville Speedway Association and the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce in promoting the flats since the 1930s, explained, "The salt flats have played an important part in bringing mention to Utah and there is no reason why we should sit back and watch it disappear."31

Except for the potash plant officials, nearly everyone claimed that the salt was deteriorating But they could not agree on why In 1966 Harry E. Wilbert, the highway department regional engineer, felt that as the potash plant drained water it also extracted salts. But William P Hewitt, the Utah Geological Survey director, concluded the salt content had not changed since 1914. He agreed that when the water level was low the salt flats were dry and cracked. To provide for "high subsurface water" that would help "percolate salt upward," the Bonneville Speedway Association and the Utah Division of State Parks and Recreation asked for the state to build $500,000 dikes on the east and west sides so the water would not run off Governor Calvin Rampton questioned why and asked for more studies.32

And more studies there were, in abundance. The U.S. Geological Survey, the state, and Kaiser, who owned the potash plant, sponsored other studies in 1973, 1974, 1975, 1977, and 1978. They did not agree on whether the salt was disappearing or, if it were, who was to blame. One study, for example, suggested that the potash plant's canals were draining the salt and damaging the track. Others contended that the salt flats were stable, since they created a "bowl of relatively pure salt through which water passes with difficulty, if at all."33

But even if Kaiser were causing the problem, state officials pointed out in 1975 that the company had millions of dollars invested in its operations and provided jobs and tax income to the state. The salt flats, on the other hand, were only used one week a year for race car amateurs, and at that time the state paid $30,000 a year for upkeep on the track. Others insisted that economics should not be the only consideration, arguing that "The famed speedway is unsurpassed as a widely-known definitive feature of Utah."34

31 Ibid., May 14, 1965.

32 Ibid., December 22, 1966.

33 Ibid., August 13, 1973

34 Ibid., March 17, 1975

The Bureau of Land Management designated the area a Special Recreational Management Area in 1985, then called for a study to solve the conflicts over use. A Salt Lake Tribune reporter, Tom Wharton, explained, "The lore surrounding Salt Flats speed trials is long and colorful. But even if the racing events are discounted or ignored, the Bonneville Salt Flats are every bit as unique a part of Utah's landscape. . . .They should be preserved for both those who like to race and others who enjoy them for their aesthetic values."35 Deane H. Zeller, the manager of the Pony Express BLM Division, agreed, "My personal feeling is that the best use of the salt flats is not racing and it's certainly not minerals production. I think it is a natural geologic phenomenon that is awesome. . . . People should be able to experience the Bonneville Salt Flats" by "standing out in the middle of this huge white nothingness surrounded by outlines of mountains" for a "truly wilderness experience."36

So the debate continues. In the 1990s all groups believe that the salt flats have value, but they differ on what that is and how it may best be promoted Many Americans drive quickly across the area en route to somewhere, at most pausing at the rest stop near Wendover to gaze out over the salt The Southern California Timing Association and the Utah Salt Flats Association continue to sponsor meets, weather permitting. The potash plant continues to remove salts that are shipped throughout the world to be used as fertilizer. In 1995 the potash plant and the racers finally agreed on a BLM-approved plan to transport salt back to the track.

In the meantime, though, other things have changed In 1983 Richard Noble from England broke the land speed record on a "dry, dusty lake bed in the Black Rock desert" in Nevada. The Salt Lake Tribune editorialized, "It was the first time since World War II that a Land Speed Record was set outside the Bonneville Salt Flats but will probably not be the last."37 In 1996 Breedlove had hoped to test his new car on the salt flats, but a late summer rain canceled his first attempts as well as the Land Speed Opener. Speed Week was held, but World of Speed was rained out. All in all, it is questionable whether the salt flats will ever be used again for the land speed record. Its use as a hot-rod track is also in doubt because of the continued deterioration of the salt It is probable that some racers will continue to use Bonneville in their quest for records near 400 miles an hour in different classes. The kings of the hill, the monster jets, the 600 mph missiles, are almost certainly gone forever. Bonneville's great era of land speed record attempts, with its incredible excitement and spectacular daring, has slipped quietly into history.

Justice William M. McCarty from Utah Since Statehood.

Utah Supreme Court Justice William M. McCarty

A PRODUCT OF UTAH'S SOUTHERN FRONTIER, William Murdock McCarty came from humble beginnings He had a good education at home and elsewhere. His father was a sometime schoolteacher and for a while had one of the larger personal libraries in southern Utah. William also attended Brigham Young Academy, but he was entirely

Dr Alley is executive editor of Utah State University Press This article was originally written for a projected but uncompleted and unpublished set of biographies of Utah Supreme Court justices commissioned by the Utah Bar Foundation

self-taught as a lawyer. He learned the law while earning a living through strenuous manual labor. Yet within two years of his admission to the bar he was in constant demand to employ his legal skills as a public servant. The shortage of attorneys in southern Utah partly explains that demand but not its consistency.

Nurtured by parents who had apostatized from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, William grew up in rural, predominantly Mormon communities. He launched his career in law near the end of Utah's territorial period. At the time, religion divided the territory into two almost wholly separate societies, Mormon and gentile. The federal government was determined to stamp out Mormon polygamy and theocratic rule; this conflict had led to William's Republican father's break with the Mormon church. In his first public office, assistant United States attorney, William prosecuted many cases of unlawful cohabitation. Yet he still moved easily between Utah's divided communities. His Mormon neighbors repeatedly helped elect him to, in succession, county attorney, districtjudge, andjustice of the Utah Supreme Court.

McCarty was credited with four qualities that served him well as a judge—direct honesty, fair impartiality, strong convictions, and a devotion to justice Each of these characteristics needs qualification, however. His honesty occasionally extended to impolitic bluntness. His sense of justice, which he claimed influenced him more than legal technicalities, sometimes appeared moralistic or self-righteous The impartiality that supported him across the religious divide must be measured against his strong convictions, loyal adherence to the Republican party, and work outside the court for fellow party members during his tenure on the bench. And although he was known for addressing specific circumstances in the cases before him, his fervent, rigid sense of social obligation and morality and his occasional outspokenness sometimes colored his impartiality with a tint of prejudice.

The second of an eventual twelve children, William Murdock McCarty was born on May 15, 1859, in a one-room log cabin in the southeast corner of the fort where all the people of Alpine, then called Mountainville, lived for protection. His parents were James Hardwick McCarty and Lydia Margaret Cragun, cousins.1 James's father was the brother of Lydia Margaret's maternal grandmother. A

former backwoods schoolteacher in Kentucky and Missouri, where his early and ardent abolitionism had made him unwelcome, James in 1854 had set out for the California gold diggings only to be diverted by a visit to his Mormon cousin and her husband, Elinor and James Cragun, near Salt Lake City. Working on their farm, he soon joined the Mormon church and, on October 5, 1855, married the Craguns' seventeen-year-old daughter, Lydia Margaret.

In 1861 Brigham Young issued a call for church members to settle Utah's Dixie.James McCarty is reputed to have been one of the first three to volunteer. That same year he also took a second wife, name unknown The family resided in St George and nearby Santa Clara, whereJames taught school and farmed with little success The settlers in Dixie, where Mormon leaders had hoped to establish a thriving cotton industry, were poor, and the McCartys were among the poorest In 1868James moved his wives and family to Summit Creek in Iron County where they had more success. They raised corn and hogs and freighted them west to Nevada mining camps like Pioche and Bullionville that prospered after 1870, absorbing much of the surplus of southern Utah farmers.

James left the Mormon church in 1872. William recalled that his father had not been "in good fellowship for many years, because he did not approve of the defiant attitude of the church toward the Government." Lydia Margaret supported, probably encouraged, James According to William, his mother "from the time that I can remember, was very much opposed to Mormonism."2 From a devout Mormon family, she possibly resented her husband's second marriage. James broke off relations with his plural wife, while continuing to acknowledge their two daughters, and campaigned against polygamy through newspaper correspondence. In the early 1870s President U. S. Grant and his appointees in Utah pursued a get-tough policy toward Mormons. Conflict between their church and the Grand Old Party of the Civil War victors disturbed the McCartys, devout Republicans.

As William matured, he espoused no religious affiliation; in later years, he attended but did not join a Presbyterian church. After the 1890 Woodruff Manifesto called for an end to plural marriage, both James and Lydia Margaret McCarty returned to the Mormon church. Since 1876 they had lived in Monroe, Sevier County, where they ran

the Kentucky Hotel and the telegraph and post offices it housed. About that time, William began pursuing a variety of occupations. He farmed, spent three years in Nevada cutting cordwood and driving freight, and worked on the railroad in Colorado. He also worked in the Eureka, Utah, mines—part of the rich Tintic District, where silver, gold, lead, and copper veins were opened in the early 1870s—and possibly in other mining districts. For six months in 1881 and 1882 he attended Brigham Young Academy in Provo. He spent part of the 1880s in the business that had pulled his father out of poverty, freighting produce from Mormon farms to the mines at Pioche, Bristol, and other Nevada towns.

A romantic story found in several sources tells of how McCarty sat under a wagon and learned Blackstone by the light of a candle (or a flickering fire):

At night, as the members of the wagon train camped out along the way by the side of the old road in the Escalante desert, Mr. McCarty would pore over a law book while the other freighters would play cards or in some other way provide entertainment for the evening.3

He actually did most of his studying at home, spending the inclement part of the year with his books and working on the trail and in the mountains the rest

The significance of McCarty's early training and environment was less Horatio Algeresque self-improvement under arduous circumstances than what his colleague,Justice Daniel Straup, noted:

He learned his Blackstone by the campfire's fitful flame he readjusted its dry and unyielding principles to suit what he could see was required for the needs of a new and growing country he worked out his ideas to the music of creaking wheels of his freight wagon, punctuated by the crack of his teamster's whip as he wended his way. Such illustrates somewhat the environment and conditions that grounded his principles and fixed his faith and ambition So he brought to his work a broad, clear conception and appreciation of natural principles of right an d wrong and with original and definite ideas of what justice demanded. 4

As ajurist, McCarty was always concerned most with specific circumstances and with what he considered was just in a particular case. Another colleague, Justice Joseph Frick, stated that if McCarty had a weakness, this was it, because he sometimes lost sight of the law as a system in which individual cases had to yield to preserve the good of soci-

3 This version is from Noble Warrum, Utah Since Statehood: Historical and Biographical, 4 vols (Chicago and Salt Lake: S.J Clarke Publishing, 1919), 2:76

4 "In Memoriam," 53 Utah Reports xxi-xxii (1921)

ety as a whole. It is no coincidence that some of McCarty's most important decisions on the Supreme Court involved the adjustment of legal principles to the particular conditions of Utah's farmers and miners.

On September 17, 1887, McCarty was admitted to the bar of the Second District Court in Beaver. In 1890 he was admitted to practice in the Supreme Court of Utah Territory His reputation and connections had grown enough by May 1889 to earn him an appointment from George S. Peters, U.S. district attorney for Utah, as assistant district attorney. This appointment did not last much beyond the May session of Judge Thomas Anderson's Second District Court, where McCarty prosecuted He may have served elsewhere in Utah for the remainder of the year, but by 1890 he was back in private practice full time. He formed a partnership with Orris A. Murdock of Beaver. They advertised their services of "Practices in all Courts of the Territory" and listed McCarty as based in Provo. If he actually moved to Provo, his residence there was of short duration. In 1892 he was reappointed assistant U.S attorney, holding that position in the southern Utah Second District until 1896.

His duties extended through seven counties, and additional responsibilities increased his range. In 1892 he was elected to serve concurrently as attorney for Sevier County, part of the First District He was reelected to this position in 1894. None of the cases that he prosecuted successfully was reversed on appeal. He continued his private practice as well, forming the partnership of Thurman and McCarty in 1894 with Samuel Thurman, his colleague as assistant district attorney and another future Supreme Court justice Sometime between 1887 and 1896, he also had a brief partnership with future justice E. E. Corfman.

Although the Woodruff Manifesto of 1890 and subsequent presidential pardons for those who obeyed laws against polygamy and unlawful cohabitation eased tensions in Utah, prosecution of those crimes did not cease. In the Second District, prosecutor McCarty enforced the law throughout his tenure, complaining when, in 1893, U.S. AttorneyJohn Judd cut off his accounts for prosecution of polygamists before the United States commissioners.5 Judd told him that investigation before the grand jury was sufficient and the United States could now save the extra expense.

In 1895 the first election for state officers was held, in conjunction with a vote on the state constitution. McCarty ran forjudge of the new Sixth District He defeated E W McDaniel by only three votes Although his vigorous prosecution of polygamists was an issue in the campaign, McCarty claimed his greatest opposition came from the non-Mormon "saloon element," who resented his active prosecution of the vice laws against Sunday business, gambling, and bootlegging. His perceived fairness helped him win this and other elections, but he also attributed his victories to how, in the post-Manifesto climate, changes in political affiliation had not also meant changes in electoral habits. The LDS church's People's party was disbanded in 1891 in favor of national parties, but Mormons, who in some cases were "called" by their leaders tojoin either the Republican or Democratic party and thereby provide an even political division, continued to vote a straight party ticket more regularly than gentiles

After statehood some plural marriages continued to be performed and many other citizens still unlawfully cohabited with their plural spouses, but there was for a time a widespread attitude that cohabitation at least should be overlooked and that enforcement of the state laws against those acts should be curtailed. McCarty, who attributed this attitude to the political parties "coquetting with the church" and "playing for the Mormon vote," declared himself "in favor of enforcing the entire penal code." When he heard rumors that men in his district were violating the law, he first invited the public prosecutor's attention to the problem. When the prosecutor, a nonMormon, at first refused to take action, Judge McCarty called a special grand jury The grand jury returned no indictments for unlawful cohabitation, but a case against five accused polygamists was brought before thejudge in 1899 by the county attorney based on a private citizen's affidavits.

Although eager to enforce the law and defy any atmosphere of complacency, McCarty exercised leniency when the defendants pleaded guilty, sentencing them to fines ranging from $25 to $150 and lecturing them that "those who so persistently insisted that the law ought not to have any moral or legal force because it was not really the will of the people are in error."6 This case became the key issue when McCarty ran for reelection in 1900, but despite running against a Mormon opponent, I.J. Stewart, thejudge won handily, receiving the 6 A complete transcript of this trial is in Proceedings against

largest vote on the local ticket. A new generation of Mormons, even in the rural communities of central and southern Utah, no longer found polygamy an appealing principle upon which to take a stand, and McCarty's punishment of the crime, tempered with leniency, drew more support than opposition.

He had become a popular figure, widely viewed as a friendly, unpretentious, self-made man of the people. In 1895 he moved down the valley from Monroe to Richfield. The expansive Sixth District, extending from Richfield to Kanab, required longjourneys, which he made in a buggy pulled by a team of sorrel horses named Gladstone and Bismarck, sometimes pushing through hub-deep snow or sand in the high plateau country of southern Utah. He was always ready with a cordial greeting for his many acquaintances, who were likely to respond with the greeting he preferred, "Hello, Billy," rather than "Good morning, Judge." 7 In 1893 he married Lovina L Murray, and they raised three sons and one daughter: Murray W., Roy S., Frank H. E., and Margaret Lovina Murray and Roy would become attorneys

During the 1890s McCarty's involvement with the state Republican party grew By 1900 the party dominated state politics; it would continue to do so until 1916. Despite its dominance, or perhaps because of it, the party was continually splintered by internal factions. Religion had not ceased to be a factor in Utah's political equation, and the division between Mormons and their opponents was one cause of factionalism within the party There were others as well Silver Republicans and McKinley Republicans split in 1896. In 1904 a band of anti-Mormons led by Thomas Kearns and Frank Cannon bolted to form the American party. A mostly Mormon machine led by Senator Reed Smoot and known as the "federal bunch," a name that denoted the employer of many of them, dominated the Republican party Another faction, principally non-Mormons, centered around Senator George Sutherland, a future United States Supreme Court justice, who by 1906 was cooperating closely with the Smoot bunch. Other non-Mormons strongly opposed Smoot and the influence of Mormon president Joseph F. Smith in the party; but they were either not generally anti-Mormon or were too loyal Republicans to join the American party

McCarty was a McKinley Republican, but he campaigned actively for the election of George Sutherland, a former Silver Republican, as

a congressman in 1900. In 1902 McCarty's loyalty was rewarded with the party's nomination to the Utah Supreme Court. He then shared his party's ongoing success, beating a popular Spanish-American War hero, Richard W. Young, grandson of Brigham Young, in the election to become the fifth justice to serve on the state's highest court McCarty crossed swords with the Smoot Republicans in 1904 by refusing to support the appointment of William Spry, chairman of the Republican State Committee, as clerk of the Utah State Supreme Court. He felt that Spry was too active a politician for such a position. Hiram E. Booth, delegated to persuade him, reportedly threatened McCarty with machine defeat of his nomination for reelection But the jurist did not bend easily. After George Sutherland's election to the U.S. Senate in 1905, McCarty broke with the new senator in early 1906 over federal appointments that would displace old loyal Republicans. As criticism of him began to appear in the Republican press, McCarty suspected there was an active conspiracy against him. In June orJuly 1906 he was told of a visit by Republican Attorney General M. A. Breeden and U.S. Marshal William Spry toJudge J. A. Howell of Ogden It was alleged the two tried to convince Howell to grant a new trial to an Ogden city councilman convicted of corruption and that, while discussing an appeal to the Utah Supreme Court, Breeden called McCarty and Justice George Bartch "Americans" (adherents of the American party), implying the councilman could not get a fair hearing before the higher court. Within weeks after McCarty learned this and, he claimed, after the Supreme Court had written but not announced its decision against the councilman's appeal, the managing editor of the Salt Lake Tribune, William Nelson, showed McCarty and Bartch an editorial he was holding until the court's decision, which, without mentioning names or places, referred to the attorney general's visit to Ogden. McCarty recalled telling Nelson that editorials had no effect on the courts but that publication might complicate his attempt to find out what had been said about him in Ogden. The editor stated he would publish nothing for the time being. McCarty, in company with Judge Howell, met with Attorney General Breeden in early August to demand an explanation of his implication that political considerations would influence the justice's judicial actions Breeden denied making such a statement After the meeting, McCarty called Nelson and suggested that he get Breeden's side of the story.

Versions of this sequence of events, including the alleged threat by Booth, received headlines in Salt Lake City's too abundant and fac-

tional newspapers in early August. The Democrats' Salt Lake Herald and the Americans' Tribune and Salt Lake Telegram focused on the alleged tampering in Ogden, while the Inter-Mountain Republican and the weekly Truth attacked McCarty, claiming he had discussed pending court cases with the Tribune. McCarty, announcing that he would not yield to attempts "to read me out of the Republican party because of my refusal to yield to the dictates of the so-called leaders of the machine," concluded that Sutherland was behind the attacks. In a lengthy and vitriolic open letter to Sutherland published in several of the city papers, McCarty claimed the Smoot and Kearns factions had split Republicans at the expense of those who had "always been true to the party" and appended some of his correspondence with Sutherland regarding federal appointees. Sutherland replied with his own open letter, denying that he was behind an anti-McCarty conspiracy and accusing the judge of "utter unfitness to occupy a judicial office" because of "unseemly political controversy." McCarty's reply accused Sutherland of demanding that judges become active party workers.8

Except for additional editorializing by the papers, the matter ended there. If such a move had been afoot, McCarty was not in fact dropped from the Republican ticket, and in 1908 and 1914 he was reelected to the Supreme Court. But, even for an era of cutthroat politics and yellowjournalism, the public newspaper brawl between ajustice of the Utah Supreme Court and a future justice of the United States Supreme Court did appear unseemly It was, however, a thorough demonstration of the frank outspokenness with which McCarty was often credited, usually by admirers of his honesty.

Another incident came in 1915 during the lengthy conflict over the murder conviction of Industrial Workers of the World labor organizerJoe Hill, a conviction McCarty and the otherjustices affirmed as the Supreme Court and considered again as the Board of Pardons When Woodrow Wilson asked Governor William Spry to reprieve Hill, McCarty publicly called the IWW a "lawless organization" and later said, "President Wilson's conduct. . .will undoubtedly insure him not only the vote but the active support of practically every thug, yeggman and ex-convict in the land."9

8 These letters can be found in various newspapers For McCarty's letters, I have relied on Salt Lake Herald, August 12 and August 15, 1906 For Sutherland's letter, Inter-Mountain Republican, August 14, 1906

Controversies created a public image of the judge that, popular as he was, often overshadowed his conscientious work on the bench, which rarely made the newspapers. He was not known for elegant writing or extensive legal learning. He wrote in plain language that sometimes demonstrated "a seeming inaptness ... to correctly state the propositions involved even to his own satisfaction," but he understood the fundamentals of the law and diligently, unhurriedly (Justice Frick, an advocate of expediting court work, called him "conscientious" but "slow and plodding") sought the place ofjustice in any issue, always confident in his firm sense of right and wrong. 10

Two related decisions represent well his legal contributions—Nash v. Clark (27 Utah Reports 158 [1904]) and Strickley v.Highland BoyGold Mine Co. (28 Utah Reports 215 [1905]), both of which reached the U.S. Supreme Court on appeal Agriculture and mining were the foundations of Utah's economy, and McCarty had been exposed in youth to the needs and difficulties of both industries. In a desert state like Utah, particularly its southern reaches where McCarty was raised, the lack of water placed critical limits on farmers. Mormon farmers are well known for adapting agriculture to an arid environment by means of irrigation, at the time an uncommon practice in American farming. As McCarty put it, "The question of. . . water ... is, and ever since the advent of the early pioneers has been, the most important and vital of all industrial questions with which the people within this arid region have been confronted."

In Nash v. Clark McCarty upheld the right of way of an individual under state statute to convey water to his property by means of an irrigation ditch crossing a neighbor's property. Noting that "what ispublic use can not always be determined by the application of purely legal principles," he extended the concept of public use under eminent domain laws to uses that "promote the public interest, and which use tends to develop the great natural resources of the commonwealth." Reviewing the critical importance of irrigation to the state, he held that if it was not deemed a public use, a few individuals could "place insurmountable barriers in the way of the future welfare and prosperity of the State."

McCarty extended his reasoning to mining in Strickley v. Highland Boy GoldMining. Writing for the majority, he upheld a state law allowing condemnation of a right of way for a mining company's aerial tramway across another party's mining claim. McCarty noted that

"what shall be considered a public use often depends somewhat upon the locality, the wants and necessities of the people, the conditions with which they are surrounded, and the nature and character of the natural resources of such locality." And he remarked that "the mining industry of this state is second in importance only to that of irrigation." Mining roads and tramways benefitted thousands working in the industry, contributed to "the general prosperity of the state," and were a public use, even though such uses gave eminent domain rights to private parties: "when the taking is for a use that will promote the public interest, and which tends to develop the great natural resources of the state, such taking is for a public use." / /

The U.S. Supreme Court affirmed both of thesejudgments (198 U.S. Supreme Court Reports 361 [1905] and 200 U.S. Supreme Court Reports 527 [1906]), although it expressed caution about their application outside of "the peculiar local conditions in Utah." In fact it was the recognition of those local conditions and needs that the federal justices most clearly supported in McCarty's decision The opinions were widely cited and quoted thereafter as one definition of the concept of public use as restricted by state and federal constitutional provisions that "private property shall not be taken or damaged for public use without just compensation."11 These decisions demonstrate well the approach tojudicial matters of William McCarty They arose from his devotion to specific circumstances as decisive factors, and they show how his thinking was shaped by not only the particular facts of the cases before him but by what was particular and distinctive about the world in which he had grown to maturity.

William McCarty died December 20, 1918, two years before the end of his third term on the court. At fifty-nine a relatively young man, he had been ill for several weeks with pneumonia At a memorial service inJanuary, Justice Straup remarked,

As the mountains and streams and lakes of his native state were his first childhood prospect and his boyhood companions, so they remained, possibly unconsciously, the friends and inspiration of his maturer years He reflected some of their influence; he had some of the elemental ruggedness of he r mountains; he displayed occasionally some of the turbulent energy and impatient force of her streams, and he had much of the calm and serene [sic] of her lakes.12

The ruggedness can be seen in the squareJawed, heavy-browed,

11 Nash v. Clark, 27 Utah Reports 162 (1904) See especially Ferguson v. Illinois Central R. Co., 54 American Law Reports, Annotated 13, 25, and 60 (1928)

12 "In Memoriam," 53 Utah Reports xxii (1921).

mustachioed countenance of his photographs. His occasionally turbulent impatience was demonstrated, sometimes publicly, on numerous occasions, but the contradictory calm of his serenity was undoubtedly known best to his many friends, who remarked on his loyalty, his geniality, and his ability as a delightful conversationalist always ready with a good story.

McCarty had never traveled outside of Utah until the age of fortyfive. Then, a visit to Washington, D.C, deeply impressed him. Thereafter, he took frequent trips with his family. As illustrated here, McCarty's thinking could be affected by direct experience, but clearly his life was rooted in his home state.

Utah on the eve and immediately after statehood must have seemed to many a place and time of new opportunities. Full membership in the nation, rapprochement across religious lines, and new prosperity all seemed at last possible. But the new century brought even more factionalism, revival of national suspicion of Utah and its officials, and economic sluggishness William McCarty could have stood for what was possible The son of an impoverished apostate family, he worked as an itinerant freighter and miner, taught himself the law, and so fully earned the respect of his Mormon neighbors that, despite his avid prosecution of polygamists, he was perennially elected to public office. The support that elected him to the high court seemed to come out of a political center in the Republican party that bridged its divisive factions. From the bench he encouraged the growth of the state's most important industries by espousing the needs of broad public economic interests over narrow private ones.

Once at the pinnacle of his career, though, his actions and the changing world around him dimmed the lustre of his achievements. His continuing involvement in political infighting appeared unseemly for a high court justice Some of his public comments on the nationally watched case ofJoe Hill, thrice before him, seemed prejudicial The increasing sophistication and superior training of his fellow justices made him appear more rustic by comparison And his legal and political thought seem today more attuned to the social and economic values of the late nineteenth century than to those of the Progressive Era during which he served. Even hisjudicial support of public economic interest sustained the legal power of entrenched mining and agricultural concerns at the expense of small operators, when the national trend was to restrict and regulate such power. Ultimately he came to represent more the passing than the emergence of an age.

Book Reviews

In this engaging study Jackson J Benson has chronicled the life and work of Wallace Stegner, whom h e characterizes as "the dean of Western writers" and "possibly the most accomplished person of American letters of our time."

Stegner's varied accomplishments, literary and otherwise, were indee d impressive During an incredibly productive life that spanned eighty-four years, he produced thirteen novels, the most notable being The Big Rock Candy Mountain (1943), All the Little Live Things (1967), Angle of Repose (1971), and The Spectator Bird (1976) He also authored dozens of short stories published in a wide variety of periodicals ranging from popular mainstream to the scholarly and esoteric His works include a significant body of nonfiction, both history and biography. Of particular interest to Utah audiences are his Mormon Country (1942), Joe Hill: A Biographical Novel (1950), Beyond the Hundredth Meridian: John Wesley Powell and the Second Opening of the West (1954), The Gathering of Zion: The Story of the Mormon Trail (1964), and The Uneasy Chair: A Biography of Bernard DeVoto (1974)

Stegner was, moreover, an accomplished, dedicated teacher who for some twenty-five years directed the creative writing progra m at Stanford University, tutoring such notable future writers as Larry McMurtry, Ken Kesey, Edward Abbey, and Eugene Burdick Also a social activist, he wrote and

spoke out against racial discrimination exhibited toward blacks, American Indians, Hispanics, and othe r ethnic minorities. His strongly stated views received exposure in a collection of essays, One Nation (1945)

As a crusader, Stegner devoted his greatest energies to conservation and environmental protection, evident in his long involvement with th e Sierra Club. He was in the forefront of a successful campaign stopping a major dam project in eastern Utah, thus preserving that region's distinctive Dinosaur National Monument Furthering this effort was his written work This Is Dinosaur: Echo Park Country and Its Magic Rivers (1955) produce d unde r the sponsorship of the Sierra Club. Stegner's skills as an environmental activist caught the attention of Secretary of Interior Stewart Udall who appointed the author as a special assistant in late 1961

These varied aspects of Stegner's eventful life and career are effectively presented by Benson, a professor of American literature at San Diego State University. Vividly portrayed is Stegner's unstable, trouble d childhood, mad e worse by his father's impulsive, erratic behavior that included varied get-rich-quick schemes (all failures) and illegal activities as a bootlegger This compelled the family to move numerou s times—first from North Dakota to Washington state; then to Saskatchewan, Canada; from there to Great Falls, Montana ; an d

finally to Salt Lake City—all by the time Wallace had reached his twelfth birthday Stegner's formative years were further marred by constant conflict with his domineering, often abusive father This difficult relationship, carefully outlined by Benson, "haunted" the future author "all his life," profoundly affecting the nature and subjects of his varied writings, particularly The Big Rock Candy Mountain and Recapitulation (1979) By contrast, young Wallace found comfort in the positive relationship he enjoyed with his mother whom he characterized as long-suffering but also "a nest builder."

Carefully presented by Benson is Stegner's sojourn in Salt Lake City where he lived for ten years, from age twelve to twenty-two—a place he came to regard as his hometown Here he came of age and received much of his formal education, graduating first from East High School and then the University of Utah where he majored in English. Stegner was also affected by the dominan t Mormo n religion

Although he never embraced the faith, the Latter-day Saints had "a profound effect on Wallace's life, his philosophy, and his career." He had many "close [Mormon] friends." His "first big romance" was with a Mormo n girl whom he considered marrying Also appealing was the fact that "the Mormons seemed to stand for everything that was the opposite of his father's life and goals."

In general, Benson has produced a vivid portrait of Wallace Stegner, making the reader aware of his triumphs an d trials within the context of his multifaceted activities There are, however, several inaccuracies or misrepresentations that detract from this otherwise effective work. Benson is incorrect in characterizing the University of Utah as "a Mormon institution." Stegner's close friend and fellow writer Bernard DeVoto was not "an ex-Mormon," nor had he "grown u p a Mormon." Benson is wrong in stating that Walt Disney "proposed to mak e [Mineral King, California] a ski resort in the late forties." Also inaccurate is his assertion that Stegner's The Gathering of Zion represented "the first time" that the Mormo n story "had been told from a friendly, but relatively neutral point of view, motivated neither to propagandize for the Mormon faith nor to blacken the Mormon reputation."

These minor problems nothwithstanding, Benson has produced a sensitive work, effectively presentin g a major literary figure—one whose influence transcended his native region, the Far West, and extended to American society at large.

The Legacy of Mormon Furniture: The Mormon Material Culture, Undergirded by Faith, Commitment, and Craftsmanship. By MARILYN CONOVER BARKER (Salt Lake City: Gibbs Smith, Publisher, 1995 144 pp $29.95.)

This book sets a lofty goal for itself: ".. to promote understanding of the importance of this (Mormon furniture's) legacy of influence on presentday Mormo n culture and American material culture as a whole" (p. 9).

Unfortunately, it falls short The photographs by Scott Peterson are elegant; indeed one of the primary contributions of this volume is the fine photography of the objects, many of which have never been well-photographed,

partly due to access issues. Th e final chapter, by Stephen Shepherd, on graining and other faux finishes, contains useful information The rest of the book is largely a reiteration of the similarly inadequate 1976 volume by Connie Morningstar, Early Utah Furniture.

The narrative often lacks focus and generates far mor e questions than it answers The relevance of much of the information in the first chapter, in which Mormon history is summarized, is never mad e clear. In places, the intended audience seems to shift from page to page; at one point the writing seems aimed at general audiences who know little about Mormon history, and, then, with th e use of cabinetmaking terms that may be unfamiliar to most generalists, it seems aimed at collectors or scholars. But the information presented is such that collectors or scholars would likely already know it, and they will be frustrated with the inadequate documentation

The book lacks careful editing In some places, illustrations cited in the text seem to have n o relationship to the subject being discussed. There are a few typos ("Colonial Juarez" instead of "Colonia Juarez," for instance—p 63) Additionally, statements like "Comparison of the regions stylistically shows that outside the traditional fur-

niture made in all the territory, there are few similarities in details" (p 122) cry out for expansion and explanation of meaning. Mention is made of a "new style" emerging (p. 113) without making it clear to the reader what the elements of this new style are.

Th e book could have benefited from the inclusion of a glossary of terms. Most generalists will no t be familiar with terms like "apron," "splat," "stile," "harvest table," etc. Such readers would also probably have appreciated a care guide, particularly in regard to finishes It also would have been useful for the photos to illustrate comparisons made in the text. Without clearly captioned illustrations, most people will have no idea what is being discussed in this sentence: "These chair makers were from England an d produced fancy chairs in a beautiful mix of Yorkshire and East Anglia English styles" (p. 44).

There is still a crying need for a wellresearched, well-documented, and well-considered book on Mormo n furniture. While Barker clearly has an understanding of aspects of material culture and furnishings history, her volume adds little to our knowledge and understanding of Mormon culture

Santa Fe, New Mexico

Same-sex Dynamics among Nineteenth-century Americans: A Mormon Example. By D. MICHAEL QUINN. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1996. x + 477 pp. $29.95.)

This boo k is sure to be hailed in some circles and excoriated in others, for it addresses a subject about which few people can be neutral. Though the term "same-sex dynamics" is meant to encompass all same-sex behavior, nonerotic as well as erotic (homosocial, homopastoral, homotactile, homoemotional, homoromantic, homoenvironmental are

terms offered in the boo k to convey the scope and pervasiveness of socially, culturally, and religiously recognizable non-erotic same-sex dynamics), this subject will make many readers uneasy when developed in connectio n with Mormo n history, especially when it becomes clear that the nineteenth-century documentation is being deployed

to furnish a context for discussion of twentieth-century developments in LDS church policy.

Through his earlier publications, the author, Michael Quinn, has demonstrated his deep knowledge of LDS historical materials. He now displays in addition an encyclopedic command of scholarship and criticism attendant upon same-sex issues. In voluminous chapter notes he engages in detailed debate about same-sex dynamics from both his left and his right, as it were, and evenhandedly takes issue with writers from either camp as needed "This study," he says in the introduction, "is not designed to be politically correct or religiously correct."

Quinn uses wide-ranging ethnographic and historical data in support of the claim (not original to him) that while there has been a constant ratio of opposite-sex to same-sex orientation throughout human experience, the cultural meanings attached to the range of opposite-sex and same-sex behavior will differ widely from one historical period or geographic locale to another A second claim, fully supported with documentary evidence, is that, "peculiar" as nineteenth-century Mormonism may have been in every other significant area of social, domestic, and religious life, it was right in the American mainstream with regard to social relations among persons of the same sex. These two streams of evidence combine to suggest that LDS leaders who reached adulthood in the nineteenth century differed vastly in their attitudes about same-sex dynamics from those achieving adulthood in the twentieth, and that this difference has had enormous impact upon the development not only of church administrative policy but possibly even of church doctrine.

Readers living in today's homophobia-drenched culture will be surprised, even shocked, to learn how intense

and physically demonstrative nineteenth-century Americans were in their friendships with others of the same sex. Men slept in the same bed with male friends, and women with female friends, for weeks or years on end Same-sex friends of both genders wrote one another passionate declarations of love and kissed on the lips to show their mutual affection. Such same-sex cultural display held favor during the nineteenth century in part because of the general tone of overwrought flowery romanticism that characterized the age but more pointedly because of a pervasive fear of nonmarital heterosexual contact that resulted in a rigid segregation of the sexes in almost all aspects of American life.

No less than mainstream Americans, nineteenth-century Mormons were homosocial, homotactile, and homoemotional. Joseph Smith himself favored same-sex social dancing and male-male closeness of all sorts, at one point remarking, "it is pleasing for friends to lie down together, locked in the arms of love, to sleep and wake in each other's embrace and renew their conversation." The Prophet also enjoyed what was noted in 1842 as a "David andJonathan" relationship with a male LDS church member, and several pairs of church leaders also went on record as "David and Jonathan" in succeeding decades. As a matter of church policy, Mormon officials shared the beds of local leaders whose homes they visited while traveling on church business A diary records, without comment, that when one LDS official and his wife traveled out of town to the home of another LDS official and his wife, the guest husband slept with the host husband and the guest wife with the host wife. Mormon missionaries were expected not only to love one another but to share the same bed In the ordinary lives of nineteenth-century Mormon men and women, then, the American mainstream social episte-

mology did not register what would doubtless be seen today as unseemly or unacceptable behavior. The same-sex dynamic in all its forms was deeply embedded, as natural as breathing

Within this context of garden-variety homosociality, there were presumably among nineteenth-century Mormons a number of same-sex erotic relationships, invisible in the homosocial landscape, and Quinn's book brings forth every available scrap of reliable information in support of that inference. Other Mormon homoerotic behaviors and relationships were more fully documentable, and these are treated in the book as well The evidence points to a nineteenth-century Mormon culture that was exceedingly tolerant of homoerotic behaviors Joseph Smith is reported to have interpreted the story of Sodom to mean that God destroyed that city not for the usual reason but "for rejecting the prophets." Sodomy was missing from the list of sins requiring blood atonement, a glaring omission considering the Levitical source of the other blood sins Sodomy was not even a crime in Utah until 1876, when the territory made a wholesale adoption of the California criminal code.

The author's documentation of Mormon tolerance for same-sex dynamics of all sorts in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century gives poignancy to the dramatic shift in Mormon policy that has occurred more recently at the direction of LDS church leaders who have reached adulthood in the twentieth century instead of the nineteenth. In 1959 a

program of "aversion therapy" for homosexuals was instituted at BYU. In 1962, LDS missionaries in Western Europe were ordered to sleep in separate beds In 1968 the category "homosexual acts" (later "homosexuality") was added to the church's list of excommunicative sins. In 1969, LDS men who had homosexual leanings were instructed by a church official to try to force themselves to marry women. During the decade-long national debate about the Equal Rights Amendment which ended with the Amendment's demise in 1982, fear of lesbianism was used by the church as an anti-ERA weapon. And in 1976 a church leader advocated the use of violence by LDS missionaries against fellow missionaries who appeared to evince same-sex orientation. The evidence of Quinn's book can be taken to suggest that the homophobic policy of the LDS church today is counter to the spirit of the early church, even to the words of the prophet himself.

So thoroughly documented is SameSex Dynamics that there will be no opportunity for anyone to criticize it on scholarly grounds: In support of its 200 pages of text is an equal number of pages of notes It is a significant work However, its message will not be welcome in certain quarters, and it is therefore unlikely to be read by those in the greatest need of knowing what it contains.

Winning the West for Christ: SheldonJackson and Presbyterianism on the Rocky Mountain Frontier, 1869-1880. By NORMAN J BENDER (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996. xiv + 265 pp. $40.00.)

This book is on all accounts a major contribution to the history of religion in America Historians of Presbyteri-

anism as well as lay persons interested in the history of their denomination will be captivated by the book But it is

not just a piece of Presbyterian history

It is a portrait of religious life in the American West in which the focus happens to be on Presbyterianism. The reader is from the very opening pages to the final paragraphs drawn into the dynamics of life in the late nineteenthcentury West as experienced by countless Americans for whom church and community were virtually synonymous

Central to the narrative is the boundless energy of the indefatigable Sheldon Jackson, a man fired with a thoroughly evangelical agenda calling for the winning of the West for Christ. Presbyterians who lean toward liberal theologies will be struck by the uncompromisingly evangelical zeal that fueled their faith's drive westward. Nothing less than the salvation of souls was at stake But in the American West the salvation of souls went hand in hand with salvation from the various forms of wickedness that pervaded western life, especially those associated with drunkenness and carousing.

"Creating a proper appearance" (title of chapter 3) thus became an important part of the Presbyterian missionary thrust: those won for Christ were to live a life of separation from worldliness Separateness, which included proper attire as well as proper behavior, became the hallmark of the "good Presbyterian."

As Bender's study makes clear, this evangelistic project, as undertaken by Jackson and his co-laborers, was a stricdy Presbyterian undertaking. For readers conditioned by decades of ecumenism, the disinterest in cooperating with other Protestant bodies is bound to seem perplexing Chapter 3 describes the outright rivalry between Presbyterians and Congregationalists in Colorado Within

Presbyterian circles, relations with other sects was an issue that divided "Old School" from "New School" Presbyterians. SheldonJackson belonged unabashedly to the Old School, and his mission reflected its intense denominational loyalty. The winning of the West for Christ was clearly best done in the Presbyterian way

Other interesting facets of Bender's account of the Presbyterian expansion westward unde r Jackson's leadership include the blatantly hostile attitude toward Catholics (which reflects the pervasiveness of nineteenth-century conspiracy thinking within Presbyterian circles), the occasional tension between the priorities of the Board of Hom e Missions with its staid East Coast mentality and those of die often proactive and uncompliantJackson, the importance of the theological seminaries as suppliers of missionaries for the West, the role of women's auxiliary groups as support systems for the western expansion, Jackson's assault on the "formidable fortress" of Mormonism in Utah, and, of course, the educational programs launched by Jackson—resulting in such institutions as Westminster College (originally Sheldon Jackson College) in Salt Lake City.

Bender's scholarship is superb. He has utilized every conceivable type of primary source material, including governmen t documents, church archives of various kinds, sermons, letters, and newspapers; and he has surveyed a wide spectrum of secondary material The result of this painstaking research is an authoritativeness that makes this work a monument in its field of study.

BERNARD WEISS University of Utah

Explorers, Traders, and Slavers: Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 1678-1850. By JOSEPH P. SANCHEZ (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1997 xxii + 186 pp $29.95.)

Joseph P Sanchez's Explorers, Traders, and Slavers sheds additional light on

many obscure aspects of early Spanish Trail history. The avowed aim of this

work is to "fill a gap briefly addressed by LeRoy R Hafen and Ann W Hafen in their celebrated book Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to Los Angeles"—to highlight the Hispanic influences in the development of the "old" Spanish Trail To that end the author has succeeded

Nevertheless, this volume directly challenges the widely supported, well documented traditional interpretation of the Spanish Trail route. Sanchez suggests that the main-traveled, northward-looping trail that passed through the upper Colorado Plateau was merely a "variant" of a southern route pioneered by the New Mexican merchant Antonio Armijo in 1829. His line of march from New Mexico generally followed the present Utah-Arizona line westward to the vicinity of Hoover Dam on the Colorado River Passing south of Las Vegas, the trail continued on to southern California via the Amargosa and Mojave rivers Sanchez claims that "Armijo's route served as the basic line of march westward." He further asserts that it "became a favored route to California for the next twenty years [1829-49], as New Mexicans used it as a trade and immigration trail to the west coast" (p 104) Unfortunately, the author fails to provide supporting evidence for his claims

Although Sanchez shows much familiarity with the Hispanic references, having culled a large amount of his information from scholarly journals, he overlooks several important sources in his review of Spanish Trail related literature. For example, he does not cite The Southwest Expedition of

Jedediah Smith (1977), edited by George R Brooks, the published personal account of Smith's 1826-27 journey to California. Sanchez never mentions Elizabeth von Til Warren's 1974 master's thesis which claims that Armijo's route had little impact on the developmen t of the Spanish Trail. He also makes n o mention of the accounts cited by the Hafens about the New Mexican traders who joine d the William Wolfskill-George C Yount party on its 1830-31 path-breaking trek to California—following the general northern course of the Spanish Trail. Much of the value of the Sanchez study rests on his translation of the two diaries of Jua n Maria Antonio de Rivera describing his 1765 expeditions into the region of present Utah Yet Sanchez does not mention Austin N Leiby's 1985 Ph.D dissertation which published for the first time a translation of the journals.

In Sanchez's review of the origins of the Spanish Trail he gives us a well-written narrative of the expeditions of Rivera, Dominguez an d Escalante, Francisco Tomas Hermenegild o Garces, and Juan Bautista de Anza He forges a handful of trail-related diemes into a series of essays presented in roughly chronological order. Although much of the material referenced has been previously harvested by other scholars, this volume gives it a wider audience Sanchez's work points the way to further research into an area often ignored in Spanish Trail studies

Reconsidering No Man Knows My History: Fawn M. Brodie andJoseph Smith in Retrospect. Edited by NEWELL G BRINGHURST (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1996 xiv + 241 pp Cloth, $34.95; Paper, $17.95.)

I first read No Man Knows My History two decades ago when I was a burgeon-

ing young skeptic. The elderly librarian, a friend of my mother, seemed

shocked when I presented the book for checkout After scolding me for wanting to read what she had never read but felt was an "anti-Mormon" work, she disdainfully placed the book in a brown paper bag before handing it to me.

Newell Bringhurst, currently working on a biography of Fawn M Brodie, has assembled a collection of seven essays celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Brodie's No Man Knows My History. This was Brodie's first book and certainly, at least within Mormon circles, her most controversial one.

Bringhurst's subtitle somehow suggests the tantalizing idea of Fawn Brodie promenading arm-in-arm with Joseph Smith. Th e book begins with William Mulder's endearing tribute to Brodie's life and accomplishments followed by Bringhurst's introduction The author then favors us with two chapters, one a brief biography of the biographer herself, the other a retrospective overview of the praise and criticism that have been heaped upon No Man Knows My History in the past half century.

Marvin S Hill criticizes Brodie for her personal bias and for secularizing Joseph Smith and the religious movement he founded in 1830 Hill's major thesis is that No Man Knows My History fails to properly recognize Mormonism as a "religious movement and Smith a religious leader."

Mario S De Pillis, in a more sympathetic treatment of Brodie and her book, characterizes it as "the landmark and still unreplaced biography of Joseph Smith." Observing that Brodie's personality was "mingled with the work itself even more than usual with historical works," De Pillis added the astute observation that she "wrote this naturalistic explanation of the founding prophet's life not only because she had disaffiliated with Mormonism but also as a way of disaffiliating."

Lavina Fielding Anderson's essay focuses on the literary methods evident in Brodie's master work After an absorbing assessment of techniques used, which Anderson describes as "tools of fictional effect," she concludes that many historians could learn a "great deal from studying Brodie's writing techniques."

Tod Compton next provides a chapter on Fawn Brodie's treatmen t of Joseph Smith's plural wives and polygamy After noting that "anyone who sets out to seriously study Joseph Smith's polygamous marriages must use the appendix to Fawn Brodie's No Man Knows My History as a starting point," Compton concludes with an observation, often overlooked by Brodie's critics, that she did not have access to many sources now available to scholars

The final chapter in the book, written by Roger D Launius, is an examination of Fawn Brodie and the legacy of "Scholarly Analysis of Mormonism." Launius concludes his essay with the ringing tribute: "The virtuosity of Brodie's marshalling of evidence, which was admittedly not particularly new, the potency of her vision of Smith, the power of her prose, and the sheer opulence of her interpretation made No Man Knows My History the significant book that it became."

I liked this book. It makes a notable contribution to the study of both Fawn Brodie and Joseph Smith's multi-layered mystique Furthermore, despite more than five decades of unrelenting criticism from orthodox Mormo n scholars, No Man Knows My History has proven to be a major impetus in the quest for a less apologetic, more objective Mormon history. Perhaps no other book, aside from the Book of Mormon itself, has become so readily identified with our culture

Book Notices

The Ice-Age History of Southwestern National Parks. By SCOTT A ELIAS (Washington, D.C : Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997 xvi + 200 pp Paper, $16.95.)

This volume—the third by Scott A Elias covering the natural history of America's national parks—takes the reader on a journey through time and space with detailed discussions of ecosystems, extinct animals, archaeology, and modern biota of Canyonlands, Big Bend, and Grand Canyon national parks

The first four chapters of the book serve as an explanation of why the study of ecosystems, fossils, climate change, archaeology, and paleoecology is important In Part Two, Elias discusses the ancient life and environments of th e national parks of the Southwest, presenting a picture of life among the Archaic hunters and gatherers, the Anasazi of the Mesa Verde country, the Chacoan Culture, and the pre-Spanish cultures of the Texas desert He uses up-to-date archaeological information to describe the lifeways of these past cultures in a way that is exciting and informative, while useful for scholarly research

Blue Horses Rush In: Poems and Stories.

By Luci TAPAHONSO (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997 xviii + 107 pp. Cloth, $22.95; Paper, $12.95.)

Personal introspection from a Navajo cultural point of view character-

izes these stories and poems Sensitively written, each rendering speaks of different aspects of life—birth, courtship, divorce, death—that are par t of the universal human experience. The book is appropriate for readers concerned with Native American literature, Navajo studies, and general humanities

A Century of Enterprise: The History of Enterprise, Utah, 1896-1996. By W. PAUL

(Enterprise: City of Enterprise, 1996 xii + 291 pp $30.00.)

Located in northwestern Washington County, Enterprise was founded in the year of Utah statehood, 1896 For its 100th birthday, the city treated itself to this full-scale history It is an extraordinarily nice present Talented writer-historian Paul Reeve, in partnership with an energetic research team led by Doris Truman, has produced an engaging narrative that is well illustrated and attractively packaged. Agriculture has bee n the basis for Enterprise's prosperity throug h the years, and that story—from construction of the initial reservoir and canal to modern alfalfa cubing operations—is the heart of this history Even the Idaho Russet, which owes much of its success to enterprise in Enterprise, merits a spot. Mining, community activities, schools, churches, businesses, city administration, and a look at lifestyles during the Great Depression are also detailed Anyone looking for a pleasant stroll through local history will be well rewarded by this fine book

INDEX

Italic numbers refer to illustrations

Abrams, Milton C , USHS board pres., 292

Adams, Evelyn M., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Adams, Fred, San Juan County tax assessor, 11-12

Adams, John, and Navajos, 14

Albitron, J. L., Methodist minister, and Mortensen case, 34

Alexander, John X, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33

Alexander, Thomas G., historian, 299

Allan, Agnes A., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Allen, John, motorman, 39

Allred, James T. S., prosecutor in Manti, 173

Alter, J. Cecil: books written by, 224-25; weatherman and founding editor of UHQ, 224-32, 225, 236, 238-39

Alter,Jennie O Green (wife), 224

American Automobile Assn (AAA), and salt flats, 360-61

American Fork River, boating facilities at mouth of, 66

American Museum of Natural History, New York, and prehistoric Utah sites, 104, 108

American party, formation of by antiMormon Republicans, 378, 379, 380

AMTRAK, 292, 295

Anasazi, prehistoric culture, 100, 103, 110, 121-22, 124-25

Anasazi State Park, 121

Anderson, Euray, SLC artist, 138, 138

Anderson, Thomas, Second District Courtjudge, 376

Aneth, Utah, history of Navajo Faith Mission at, 4-24

Antes, Evelyn (Eva) S (Wife), 5, 6, 9

Antes, Howard Ray: background of, 5; conflict of, with W T Shelton, 15-23; Navajo Faith Mission of, 4-24, 9; sale of Four Corners properties of, 15-17, 22-23; as spokesman for Navajo grazing rights, 11-15

Antes, Samuel S adopted Navajo son of the Anteses, 20-21, 24

Arapeen, Ute leader, and Indian slave trade, 172, 174-75

Archaeology, 150 year history of, in

Utah, 100-133, 100, 109, 112, 115, 121, 127

Archuleta, Miguel, N.M. trader, 172 Arfons, Art, auto racer, 362-64, 366

Arfons, Walt, auto racer, 363 Arrington, LeonardJ., as LDS church historian, 296

Arthur, Chester A., and extension of Navajo Reservation, 13

Atkinson, David, USHS employee, 284 Atkinson, Larry, slot machine owner, 84 Auerbach, Herbert S., USHS board member, 224, 228, 228-32, 236, 248, 274

Badger, Alexander C , Jr., civilian employee at Camp Douglas, 50 Badger, Rodney, arrival of in SL Valley, 163

Baldineros, Juan Antonio, N.M. trader, 173-74

Bangerter, Norman H., governor, 292, 295

Bapis, Maxine, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 320, 321, 325 n. 41

Barkdull, P A., Logan City school head, 152

Barker, Johnny, and Provo River pier, 80-81

Barlow, James M., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33

Bartch, George, Utah Supreme Court justice, 379

Barton, Harriet H., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Barton, Joe, and Navajos, 14 Bates, , UP engineer, 56 Bayles, Anna, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Bayles, Evelyn Lyman, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Bean, George, Indian interpreter, 171, 175

Bean, H H., excursion boat of, 66 Beauregard, Don, 109

Beaver, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 103—4, 111

Bee, James, amateur archaeologist, 131 Bee, Robert, amateur archaeologist, 131 Beehive History, creation of 284, 286

Bell, class in Bluff, 343

, and obstetrics/nursing

Bell, William W., lieutenant at Camp Douglas, and deserters, 56-57, 59-63

Bennion, John, diaries of, 248

Berge, Dale L., archaeologist, 124

Biggs, Wilford, Phoenix artist, 138, 138, 140, 142

Bigler, David, and UHF, 281

Bills, William A., Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33

Bingham, Utah, Greek immigrants in, 315

Blair, Seth M., prosecutor in Don Pedro Leon case, 175, 177, 177, 180

Bliss, C. R., Interior secretary, and Navajo grazing controversy, 12

Blood, Henry H., 1932 election of, as governor, 230

Bluff, Utah: obstetrics/nursing class in, 335-54; relations of citizens of, with H R Antes, 10

Blum, Doc, and 1909 Cummings expedition, 109

Bolton, Herbert E., historian, and Escalante diary, 228

Bonneville Salt Flats: curvature of earth visible on, 356; effect of 1-80 on, 368; hot rod racing on, 361; history of racing and land speed record attempts on,355-71

Bonneville Speedway Assn., 368-69

The Book of the Pioneers, 221

Booth, Hiram E., and GOP, 379

Bourne, John M., USHS employee, 293

Bovos, Eleni, Greek orthodox traditions of, 321 n. 32, 328

Bowman, Dr C A W., leader of N.M trader group, 182-84

Bradshaw, George, prehistoric sites on farm of, in Beaver, 111

Brannan, Sam, arrival of, in SL Valley, 163

Breeden, M A., Utah attorney general, 379

Breedlove, Craig, auto racer, 363-64, 368, 371

Brenchley, Julius, French traveler, 106

Brew, John Otis, archaeologist, 113

Bridger, Jim, biography of, 224

Brigham Young Monument, 200, 201, 203

Brigham Young University: archaeological research at, 117, 124, 130, 131; and 1936 Pioneer Trail art tour,

134-54; summer school excursion of, 78

Bringhurst, Samuel, Jr., Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33

Brodie, Fawn McKay, USHS Fellow, 258, 259

Brooks, Juanita: historical works of, 238, 251-52, 257; support of, for A R Mortensen, 238-39, 264, 270; as USHS employee and board member, 239, 240, 250-51, 267

Bronson, Marian Frengler, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343, 351, 352

Brown, Andy, auto racer, 365

Brown, Thomas D., diaries of, 250

Bryan, William Jennings, 1897 visits of, to Utah, 202-4

Buchmiller, Alex and Tillie, Kearns mansion caretakers, 250

Bullock, Thomas, pioneer campsite described by, 158

Butcher, H J., auto racer, 360

By-a-lil-le, dissident Navajo leader, 16-17, 18, 21

Caine, John T, and USHS founding, 206, 213

Calhoun, James, N.M territorial official, 169, 172, 180

Cameron-Brown, Isabella, and USHS founding, 206

Camp Douglas. See Fort Douglas

Camp Floyd, and Utah Lake boating, 65

Campbell, Donald, auto racer, 362, 365

Campbell, Sir Malcolm, auto racer, 358-59, 361, 365, 368

Cannon, Frank, and American party, 378

Cannon, John Q., and USHS founding, 203

Cannon, Marba, USHS employee, 222

Carbon County, Greek immigrants in, 315-16

Carling, Ann, midwife, 338

Carmack, Effie M.: Arizona artist, 99, 138, 138, 189, 143, 150; poem of, about 1936 art tour, 140-48, 150-51, 154

Carmack,John K (Grandson), 154

Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh, and prehistoric Utah sites, 109

Carrington, Albert, account of, of pioneer arrival in SL Valley, 156

Carter, Kate B., DUP pres., and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 265-72, 269

Carter, Thomas, USHS employee, 288

Catholics: and Indian slave trade, 167; Mormon prejudice against, 166

Cedar City, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 106

CETA grant, effect of, on USHS, 291

Chasseloupe-Laubat, Count Gaston de, first land speed record set by, 356

Chaves, Vicente, N.M trader, 172

Chicago World's Fair, 1893, Utah antiquities displayed at, 105, 109

Christensen, C. C. A., Mormon artist, 137

Christensen, C L., sheriff, and Navajos, 11

Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: Historical Department of, 295-96; historic sites acquired by, 100; and H Sorensen's midwifery classes, 335-37; MIA of, erected "This Is the Place" marker in 1921, 161-62, 162; and priesthood healing, 338-39; Relief Society of, 341, 342, 353; and Word of Wisdom, 338, 347 See also Mormons, Polygamy, and names of individual Mormons

Claflin-Emerson Expedition, 112, 112-13

Claflin, William H., Jr., Boston businessman, 112-13

Clayton, William: account of, of pioneer arrival in SL Valley, 156, 163; letterbooks of, 248

Cleland, Robert Glass, and J D Lee diaries, 238

Clyde, George D., governor, 274

Cobb, John, salt flats speed records of, 358-61

Condra, Phillip, stonemason, 287

Cook, Jim, auto racer, 366-67

Cooley, Everett L.: as first state archivist, 241, 255-56, 259-64, 262, 270, 275; as USHS director (1961-69), 248-49, 252, 258, 259, 262, 274-85; as UU Special Collections director, 260- 61, 282-83

Council of Defense, and WWI history, 222-23

Council of Health, 1850, herbal remedies promoted by, 338

Council House, removal of, to Capitol Hill, 244

Covington, Lorin, Hurricane artist, 138, 138

Cragun, Elinor, 374

Cragun, James, 374

Crampton, C. Gregory, historian, 258

Crane building, as interim USHS hdqrs., 249-50, 290-93, 293

Crane, Helene, USHS employee, 284

Creer, Leland, H historian, and pioneer Trail, 157, 161; as USHS board pres during Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 267, 268-71

Crime and criminal justice: and controversial Mortensen murder trial, 25-48; and desertion cases at Camp Douglas, 56-63; and Don Pedro Leon slave trade case, 165-86; and murder ofJ King Robinson, 53

Cross, David Eugene: family of, 54 ns. 17-19; letters of, 54-55, 59-60; new identity of, as Bradley W. Willson, 63; as soldier and deserter at Fort Douglas, 1866-68, 49, 51-62

Cummings, Byron, UU professor, archaeological interests of, 108-12, 109, 121

Cummings, William, and Utah Lake boat, 65

Curtis, Viola Hale, SLC artist, 138, 138, 141, 152

Dahl, Debbie, USHS employee, 294

Dailey, John R., Mortensen juror, 36 n. 33

Danger Cave, 116, 118-20, 127

Daughters of Utah Pioneers (DUP): and Capitol exhibits, 221; and Deseret Museum, 220; and historic sites, 263; and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 265-72; marker of, vandalized, 265-67

Decker, Anna M., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Dellenbaugh, Frederick S., explorer, correspondenae of, 248

Denver Museum of Natural History, and Utah prehistory, 124

Denver & Rio Grande Railroad Depot, as USHS hdqrs., 246, 249-50, 289-300, 294, 296, 299

Deseret Hospital, 215

Deseret Museum, 216, 220

Deseret News: history of, by A.R. Mortensen, 238; and Lone Cedar

Tree controversy, 266, 268; notice of USHS organizational meeting in, 201 Deseret National Bank, 26

Desert Culture,J. D.Jennings concept of, 120, 122

Dezbaa', grandmother of Samuel Antes, 20

Dinosaur National Monument, prehistoric sites in, 124

Dominguez-Escalante expedition; antiquities described by, 101-2; USHS publications on, 228

Donner-Reed Party, trail of in Emigration Canyon and SL Valley, 156-57

Dooly building, demolition of, 281

Dooly, John E., and USHS founding, 206

Dorman, J. Eldon, Price physician, and archaeology and historic sites, 131, 286

Dye, Delia L., USHS employee, 250

Early UtahJournalism byJ.C Alter, 224-26

Eastmond & Sons of American Fork, steamer built by, 66

Egan, George E, USHS board member, 270

Egan, Howard, July 24, 1847, trail described by, 160—61

Eichnor, Dennis C , prosecutor in Mortensen case, 35-42, 44

Eldridge, Mary, Methodist, 6

Emerson, Raymond, Boston businessman, 112-13

Emigration Canyon, descent of, by 1847 Pioneer Company, 156-57, 160-61

Ephraim, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 116 Eureka, Utah, transportation of ore from mines in, 66

Evans, MaxJ., USHS director (1986-), 294, 295-300

Eyston, George, auto racer, 359-61

Federation Internationale de l'Automobile (FIA), and land speed records, 356

Ferguson, Ellen Brooke, and USHS founding, 203, 206, 214-15

Ferguson, James, and Don Pedro Leon case, 180

Ferguson, William, husband of Ellen, 215

Fish, Dr W E, and H R Antes, 19

Flake, Chad, D.L Morgan's Mormon bibliography completed by, 236

Florence, excursion boat, 66-67

Footprinters Club, excursion of, on Utah Lake, 83

Forest Dale, SLC suburb, sensational 1901 murder in, 25-48, 40

Fort Douglas: life of an enlisted man at, 1866-68, 54-63, 50, 52, 56; soldiers and civilians at, 53

TheFounding of an Empire: The Exploration and Colonization of Utah, 1776—1856, by L.H. Creer, 268-69

Four Corners area: exploration of, 102-3, 106, 108; Navajo Faith Mission in, 4-24, 7

Freduiger, Phil, auto racer, 367

Fremont Culture, defined by Morss, 100, 111-14, 119, 122, 125, 127-28

Fremont River, rock art along, 122

Frick, Joseph, Utah Supreme Court justice, and W M McCarty, 375-76, 381

Fuller, Craig, USHS employee, 294, 299

Gabelich, Gary, auto racer, 364, 364

Geneva Resort on Utah Lake, 66, 67

Gibbs, George E, and Mortensen case, 36

Gillin,John, archaeologist, 115-17

Glen Canyon, prehistoric sites in, 114, 116, 118, 120-22

Gold Medal Orchard and Farm, H.R. Antes's property near Cortez, Colo., 8, 15, 16, 20, 23

Goodman, Charles, photographer in Bluff, Utah, 4, 9,10, 16

Goodman, Jack, USHS board member, 256, 275

Goodwin, Charles C , and USHS founding, 203, 213

Graham, Athol, auto racer, 365

Graham, Charles, relic hunter, 107

Graham, Howard, relic hunter, 107

Grand Gulch, prehistoric sites in, 107, 125

Grant, George D., juror in Don Pedro Leon case, 180

Grantsville, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 114

Great Basin, anthropology of, 114-15, 118,120, 122, 127-28

Great Salt Lake: prehistoric sites around, 116; tourist boats on, 66

Greeks: immigration of, to U.S., 315; Orthodox traditions of, in Utah, 312-34, 312, 317, 319, 320, 321, 323, 325, 326, 328, 329; settlement of, in Utah, 315-16

Green, Bill, orchestra of, 76

Green, H C , Baptist minister and relic hunter, 100, 107

Green, Tom, auto racer, 362

Greenwood, Caleb, mountain man, biography of, 253-54

Guernsey, Samuel J., archaeologist, 112

Guldbrandsen, Louisa, wife of B W Willson, 63

Gunnison, Utah, prehistoric sites near, 103-4

Hafen, LeRoy R., historian, 287

Haglund, Karl T., USHS employee, 288, 290

Hall of Relics (1897), 203, 208, 209, 211, 277, 217, 219-20

Hammond, Amelia, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Hammond, Colista B., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Hammond, James T., and USHS founding, 206, 213

Hancock, Celestia S., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Harper, Charles A , pioneer campsite described by, 158

Harris, Franklin S., BYU pres., 135, 151

Harrison, William H., Camp Douglas deserter, 56-57, 60-62

Hartley, Don, USHS employee, 292

Hatch, Garn, and Wasatch Tabernacle, 281

Hawkes, Kristen, archaeologist, 128

Hay, Aggie Sharp (wife), 26-29, 33, 37-38, 43, 46-47

Hay,James (son), 47

Hay, James Robert, SLC businessman, murder of, 25-33, 31

Hay (later Hays), Robert (son), 47

Hay, Ruth (daughter), 47

Hayden, Ferdinand V, Four Corners explored by, 102-3

Hayzlett, George W., Indian agent, and Navajos, 10-12

Hedenborg, Olof, and Utah Lake boat, 65

Heizer, Robert, archaeologist, 119, 128 Hedquist, Edna May, Provo caterer, 77 Herda, Bob, auto racer, 365-66

Hewitt, Edgar Lee, archaeologist, 109, U l

Hewitt, William P., Utah Geological Survey director, 369

Heywood, Joseph L., U.S marshal, 176, 177

Hicks, John D., historian, 258

Hill, George R., and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 266-67

Hill, Joe, murder conviction of, confirmed by Utah Supreme Court, 380 Hills, Lewis S., and USHS founding, 213 Hispanics, 1850s activities of and treatment of, in Utah, 165-86

Historic American Buildings Survey, 282

Historic American Engineering Record Survey, 282

Hole-in-the-Rock, USHS trek to, 276-79, 279

Holley, James M., trader in Aneth and later federal employee, 14—15, 19

Holliday, Nellie, singer, 214

Holmes, William H., Four Corners exploring by, 102-3

Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church, SLC, 316, 317,320

Home, Flora Bean, USHS employee, 230

Hovenweep, exploration of, 103 Howell, J A., judge in Ogden, 379

Hubert, Sophia, Navajo Faith Mission teacher, 7,9, 9

Hunt, Adalaid, 351

Hunt, Jefferson, BYs advice to, about surgeons, 337-38

Hunt, Joseph, 351

Hunt, Parley, death of, 351 Hunter, Howard, R., LDS apostle, 295 Huntsman, Ralph, Nevada artist, 138, 138, 152

Hutchings, John, museum of, in Lehi, 131

Hyde brothers, archaeological expedition of, 108

Hyde, Frank, and Navajos, 14

I

Immisch, Norma McEwan, dancer, 76

Indian slavery: effects of, on Negro slavery, 166; rivalry over, threatened Mormon colonization, 168; trafficking in, in Utah Terr., 165-86

Indians. See names of specific tribes, Archaeology

Ingham, Charles H., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33

Intermountain Press and Clipping Service, 222

Inter-Mountain Republican, and politics, 380

Iverson, J Grant, USHS board member/pres., 259, 273, 274

Ivins, Anthony W., LDS leader of Mexican colonies, 254—55

Ivins, Stanley S., research of polygamy by, 254-55, 255

Jackson, William H photographer, 102-3, 137

Jacobson, Lars, and Utah Lake, 65

Jacobson, Pearl E, and UHQ 276

Jacobson, T Harold, state archivist, 276, 297

James, John W., Jr., USHS librarian, 227, 229, 241-50, 243, 255, 258-59

Janetski, Joel C , archaeologist, 128-29

Jaskey, Willa, USHS employee, 222

Jenkins, Ab: auto racer, 357-58, 360—61; Mormon Meteor III race car of, 355

Jennings, Jesse D.: career of as UU archaeologist, 117—26, 121; and preservation program, 287

Jensen, Lettie Stevens, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Jensen, Mary, Brigham City artist, 138, 138, 145, 146

Jenson, Andrew, plans of, for historical magazine, 225-26

Johnson, Annete N., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Johnson, Georgiana, Provo artist, 138, 138, 140, 141

Johnson, Hadley D., and USHS founding, 211

Johnson, Jeffrey O., state archivist, 297

Jones, Daniel, Indian interpreter, 171, 179-80

Jones, Kevin, archaeologist, 128

Jones, Kumen, Bluff resident, 14, 342

Jones, Larry, USHS employee, 288, 290

Jones, Mary, midwife and community nurse in Bluff, 339, 342, 343, 344-53, 345

Jones, May L., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343, 352

Jones, W. A., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 12-13

Jordan River, tourist boats on, 66

Joyner, Pam, USHS volunteer, 299

Judd, John, U.S attorney, 376

Judd, Neil, archaeologist, 108-12, 109, 116-17, 121

Justensen, Alix, husband of Ruth Watkins Mortensen, 46

Kaiser potash plant, 369

Kaloudis, John, priest, Prophet Elias Church, SLC, 317 n 17, 326 n 42

Kanab, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104, 111, 114,121

Kanosh, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 111, 114

Kearns mansion, as USHS hdqrs, 241-50, 245, 247,249, 250, 255, 263, 287, 289-90

Kearns, Thomas: and American party, 378, 380; career of mining magnate and U.S senator, 242-43; and W.J Bryan, 202-3

Kelly, Charles: as Capitol Reef supt., 252; research and writings of, 253, 253—54; and USHS, 235, 240

Kelly, Harriette (wife), 253, 254

Kentucky Hotel in Monroe, Utah, 375

Kerr, Andrew, archaeologist, 109

Kidder, Alfred V, archaeologist, 108, 112-13, 118

Kimball, Heber C.July 24, 1847, route described by 161

Kingsbury, Joseph T., and USHS founding, 213, 215-16

Kinney, Antoinette Brown, and USHS founding, 211,213

Kinney, Clesson S., and USHS founding, 213

Kopp, Michael, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33

Korns, J. Roderic, and Westfrom Fort Bridger, 235

Korologos, Gregoria, and Greek Orthodox traditions, 318 n. 21, 320 ns 25 and 27, 326 n 44, 330 ns 52 and 54

KOVO, Provo radio station, 86

LaBarthe, Eurithe K, and USHS founding, 206, 206

LaMar Marden's Victorians, dance orchestra, 77

Lambert, Asael C , BYU Summer School dean,13 5

Lambourne, Alfred, view of SL Valley by, 164

Larsen, Bent E, BYU art prof., and 1936 art tour, 135-54, 136, 138, 153

Larsen, Geneva (wife), 137, 138, art tour travel log of, 139-43, 145, 148-49

Larson, A. Karl, historian, 257

Lawrence, Henry W., and USHS founding, 203, 213

Layton, Stanford J., USHS employee, 240-41, 286

Leasher, Glenn, auto racer, 365

Leatherwood, Ohleen, USHS employee, 264

Ledyard, Mrs Henry, and Navajo Faith Mission, 6, 10

Lee, J Bracken, governor, and USHS, 241-43,260

Lee, Joh n D., diaries of, 238, 251-52

Lee's Ferry, Colorado River, 115

Leon, Don Pedro, N.M slave trader, activities and trial of, in Utah, 165-86

Leonard, Glen M., USHS employee, 230,232,284

Lester, Margaret D See Shepherd, Margaret D

Letcher, Jerrold Ranson, lawyer, journalist, an d USHS founder, 204-6, 205, 209-13, 219, 221, 224

Letcher, Sarah Black (wife), 205

Leupp, Francis E., commissioner of Indian Affairs, 20

Lewis, William Henry, Camp Douglas commander, 53

Lincoln Highway, dedication of, 357

Lindsay, La Mar, archaeologist, 127

Lipe, William, archaeologist, 125

Lister, Robert, archaeologist, 116

Little Hoover Commission, 1965, effect of, o n USHS, 261-63

Little, James A., July 24, 1847, route described by, 161

Lossee, Ferron, Dixie College pres., 287

Lott, Lois, USHS volunteer, 298

Lowell, Joh n W., steamboat of, 65

Lujan, Don Pedro Leon See Leon, Don Pedro

Lyman, Adelia, an d obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Lyman, Albert R., medical treatment received by, 341-42

Lyman, Amasa M., arrival of, in SL Valley, 163

Lyman, Walter C.,: baby of, 352; as San Jua n LDS stake pres., 341 Lyon, T Edgar, historian, 256

McBride, William, jur y foreman, Leon case, 175

McCarty, Frank H. E. (son), 378 McCarty, James Hardwick (father), 372-74

McCarty, Lovina L. Murray (wife), 378 McCarty, Lydia Margaret Cragun (mother), 373-74

McCarty, Margaret Lovina (daughter), 378

McCarty, Murray W (Son), 378 McCarty, Roy S (Son), 378 McCarty, William Murdock: biography of, Utah Supreme Court justice, 372-83, 372; death of, 382; education of, 372-73, 375; and GOP, 378-80, 383; and Joe Hill case, 380, 383; judicial decisions of, 375-83; law practice of, 376; and Mormons, 373, 377-78

McCormick, John , USHS employee, 288 McCrea, William, USHS board member, 270

McCune, H E, and USHS founding, 206

McDaniel, E. W., 1895 defeat of, by W. M McCarty, 377 MacDonald, Malcolm, and Pony Express reenactment, 289

McLloyd, Charles, relic hunter, 107 Macomb, J N., Four Corners exploration of, 102-3

McVicker, Emm a J., and USHS founding, 206

Mabey, Charles R., governor, 262

Madsen, Brigham D., historian, 258

Madsen, David B., archaeologist an d USHS employee, 126-27, 127, 129, 131,287-88

Madsen, James H., Jr., USHS employee, 288

Madsen, Peter, Jr., an d Utah Lake, 65 Maguire, Don, peddler, and prehistoric sites, 105-6, 131, 217-18

Malmquist, O N., journalist an d autho r of Salt Lake Tribune history, 284

Marchese, Bob, auto racer, car of, 367 Marcooles, Aphrodite, Greek Orthodo x

traditions of, 312, 321 ns 28-30, 323, 328 n 47, 329 n 50

Markos, Bessie K, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 321 n. 31, 322 ns. 33-35, 323 n. 37, 323, 325, 329, 330 n. 53

Marsh, Thomas B., Thomsonian doctor, 338

Martin, Bob, Navajo interpreter, 17

Martin Millerich Hall, Spring Glen, historic site, 286

Martin, Wilson G., USHS employee, 288, 290, 297

Marysvale, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 116 Matheny, Ray T., archaeologist, 124

Matheson, Scott M., 289, 298; and Kearns mansion, 289-92

Mathison, Helen, USHS employee, 284

Matson, R G., archaeologist, 125

Medicine: early attitudes toward and practices of, 336-54; and folk remedies, 339-40; and Thomsonian practices, 338

Memorial House, Memory Grove, and USHS, 221

Merrill, Harrison R., BYU Extension Division director, 135

Mesa Verde, exploration of, 103, 107

Mestes, Albino, N.M trader, 172

Metcalfe, Duncan, archaeologist, 128

Methodists, missionary efforts of, 5-6

Midwifery: practice of, in Utah, 335, 337, 339-54; training in, 341-54

Miller, David E., historian, 157, 256, 258, 276-77

Mining, and Greek immigrant workers, 315-16

Montgomery, Henry, UU prof., excavations of, 105-6, 105, 109

Monticello, Utah, first doctor in, 351 Moore, CD. , excursion boat of, 66

Morgan, Dale L.: historian, 224, 232-37, 241; Mormon bibliography of, 236; and Pioneer Trail, 157, 161, 163; and USHS, 227-37, 239, 250, 256; and WPA, 232, 234, 236, 237

Morgan, Nicholas C , Sr.: USHS board member, and Kearns mansion acquisiton, 245-46; and library, 244-45, 245; and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 267, 268-71; oil leases of, 272-74

Mormon Battalion: arrival of members of, in SL Valley, 163; study of route of, 284, 285

Mormon Meteor III, race car of Ab Jenkins, 355 Mormon Pioneer Centennial, 1947, and salt flats racing, 360 Mormons: and archaeology, 102; and founding of USHS, 202-13; and Indian slavery, 165—86; and medicine, 337-40; and Navajos, 14; prejudice against, in Denmark, 336; prejudice toward Hispanic Catholics by, 166. See also Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and names ofindividual Mormons

Morris, Earl, archaeologist, 121

Morse, Charles W., judge in Mortensen case, 35, 38, 40, 43, 44

Morss, Noel, Fremont culture identified by, 111-13

Mortensen, Arlington Russell: and Lone Cedar Tree controversy, 264—72; as NPS historian, 270;

as UU Press director, 260, 274-75; as USHS director (1950-61), 237-75

Mortensen, Bessie Burch, first wife of A R., 238

Mortensen, Cornelia, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343 Mortensen, David, brother of Peter, 45 Mortensen, Dorothy Summerhays, second wife of A.R., 240, 246, 270, 272, 274

Mortensen, Henry, brother of Peter, 35, 45

Mortensen, Morten, father of Peter, 43 Mortensen, Peter, SLC building contractor, murder trial and conviction of, 25-48, 25, 31

Mortensen, Ruth Elizabeth Watkins, wife of Peter, 27, 29, 32-34, 45-48

Mosida, Utah, farm town west of Utah Lake, 67-68

The Mountain Meadows Massacre, 251 Mulloy, William, archaeologist, 116

Murdock, Orris A., law partner of W M McCarty, 376

Murphy, Barbara, USHS employee, 288

Murphy, Miriam B., USHS employee, 226, 228, 284, 286

Murphy, Paula, auto racer, 363 Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, N.Y., and prehistoric Utah sites, 104, 111

Naisbitt, H W., and pioneer relics, 203

Nash v. Clark (27 Utah 158), irrigation case, 381-82

National Endowment for the Humanities, 284

Native Americans. See names ofspecific tribes

National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, effects of, on USHS programs, 283-84, 288

Nauvoo, Illinois, BYU art tour in, 142-46

The Navajos Evangel, newspaper published by H R Antes, 5-6

Navajo Faith Mission, Aneth, Utah: building of, 6-9, 7; sale of, to government, 15-17, 22-23; school at, 6-10, 9, 22-23

Navajo Indians: controversy over grazing rights of, 11-15, 24; destitute condition of, 10-11; education of children of, 6-10, 9, 20-21; and Navajo Faith Mission, 3, 4, 4^2,4;, 7, 9; and reservation boundaries, 13-15; slave raids on settlements of, 184-85; and weaving, 10

Neff, Andrew Love, and WWI history, 222-223

Neilan, Russell R., USHS volunteer, 295

Nelson, Henry, and Utah Lake boat, 65

Nelson, William, SL Tribune editor, 379

Nephi, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 117

Nevills, Timothy, USHS employee, 291

Newberry, J. S., Four Corners exploration of, 102-3

Nibley, Preston, and Pioneer Trail, 156

Nielson, Jens, LDS bishop in Bluff, 10, 340, 342

Nielson, LeonaW., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Nine Mile Canyon, prehistoric sites in, 105-6, 113, 115-16

Noble, Richard, auto racer, 371

Notarianni, Philip E, USHS employee, 288, 291, 293

Nuggets, BYU social unit, 78

Nusbaum, Jesse, archaeologist, 108, 111-12

O'Connell, James F, archaeologist, 127-28

Ogden, Utah: Greek immigrants in, 315-16; political corruption case in, 379-80

Ogden City Cemetery, P. Mortensen refused burial in, 44—45

Old Mexican, Navajo involved with H R Antes, 8, 22

Olpin, A. Ray, UU pres., 274-75

Olsen, Thera Lou, Manti artist, 138, 138, 145, 148

Oregon Trail, 149

Pacific Lumber Co.: founding of, 27; and P Mortensen, 27-28, 37, 42

Page, , Nauvoo House caretaker, 143-44

Palmer, Olive Myrtie Black, midwife, 340-41, 352-53

Palmer, Edward, artifact collector for Smithsonian, 104-5

Palmer, William R., Cedar City historian, 260

Panic of 1893, 207-8

Papanikolas, Helen Z., historian and USHS Fellow, 246-47; 288, 292

Paragonah, Utah, prehistoric ruins near, 102-6, 111,218

Parratt, D W., USHS officer, 221, 223

Payson, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104-5, 111

Peabody, Harriet M., charity worker, 14 Peabody Museum, Harvard, and prehistoric sites in Utah, 104, 112, 116

Penrose, Charles W., and USHS founding, 206

People's party, disbanding of, 377

The Peoples of Utah (1976), 292

Perkins, Kate, San Juan County clerk, 12 Perkins, Rachel C , and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Perkins, Sarah, and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Peters, George S., U.S. district attorney for Utah, 376

Peterson, Alton, Jensen artist, 138, 138

Peterson, Charles S.: as USHS director (1969-71), 283-86, 285; and USU, 286

Peterson, Myrtle, Jensen artist, 138, 138

Philips, Albert E, early USHS librarian/curator, 225

Piercy, Fredrick, Mormon artist, 137

Pierson, Bob, hot rod racer, 361

Pierson, Dick, hot rod racer, 361

Pioneer Jubilee (1897), 200, 201-3, 206, 214, 217, 219, 221

Pioneer Trail, 1847: and campsites in SL Valley, 155-64, 159; and 1936 BYU art

tour of, 134-54, 134-35, 138, 143, 146, 149, 150, 153

Plain City, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 105 Politics: and Mormons, 377, 378; and patronage appointments at USHS, 230; and resignation of M.T Smith, 295

Polygamy: court cases involving, 376-77; opposition to, by some Mormons, 374, 378; study of, by S.S Ivins, 254-55

Pomeroy, Francis, Spanish interpreter, 175

Popular Health Movement, similarity of, to LDS Word of Wisdom, 338

Potter, Wester, and salt flats, 367

Poulson, Wilford, and Auerbach collection, 229

Powell, Allan Kent, USHS employee, 284-86, 287, 288, 299

Powell, John Wesley: and archaeological sites in Utah, 103, 105; vols. 15-17 of UHQ devoted to explorations of, 253-54

Powers, Orlando W., and USHS founding, 206

Pratt, Orson, final pioneer campsite selected by 158

Provo Chamber of Commerce, 78

Provo City Lumber Co., 66

Provo River: bathing and boating facilities at mouth of, 64, 66, 75-77, 79-82, 82, 86; effect of drought on, 79

Provo, Utah, prehistoric sites near, 103, 105, 114

Rampton, Calvin L.: governor, and reorganization of state government, 262-63; and salt flats, 369; and USHS lobbying, 281

Rampton, Lucybeth, UHF honorary chair, 282

Ramsey, Lewis A., painting by, 155

Randall, Debbie, architectural historian, 300

Reagan, Albert, archaeologist, 117, 131

Reanon W, Utah Lake excursion and freighting boat, 67, 67-68

Recreation, and Utah Lake, 64-87, 64, 67, 69, 82, 85

Redd, Caroline N., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343, 352

Redd, Lemuel, and Navajos, 14

Redd, Lucinda A., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Religion, and Greek Orthodox traditions, 312-34, 312, 317, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 325, 326, 328, 329. See also Antes, Howard Ray, and various denominations and churches and church leaders

Remy, Jules, French traveler, 106 Republican party, factionalism of, in Utah, 378-80

Reusser, Herbert A., husband of M.L Sinclair, 229

Reynolds, Earl, dentist and sailboat owner, 76

Rich County, 1897 parade float of, 200

Richards, Franklin D., first USHS pres., 206,210-11,213-15,274

Richards, Franklin S., and USHS founding, 204, 206

Richards, George E, LDS apostie, and DUP marker dedication, 266, 268

Richards, Willard, as Thomsonian doctor, 338

Richfield, Utah, Backhoe Village site near, 127

Ricks, Joel E., USHS board pres., 273 Rio Grande Cafe in D&RG Depot, 291-92

Rishel, Bill, and salt flats, 357

Riter, William W., businessman, and pioneer marker, 162, 163

Roberts, Allen, USHS employee, 288

Robinson, J. King, SLC doctor, murder of, 53, 55

Robinson, Merla, Coalville artist, 138, 138

Rock, Alma Henry, Jr., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33, 43-44

Romney, George Ernest, partner in Pacific Lumber Co., 27-29, 38

Romney, William S., partner in Pacific lumber Co., 27

Roosevelt, Theodore, and Navajos, 13-15

Roper, Roger, USHS employee, 288, 300

Rose, Stephen B., investigator, 174, 180-81

Rosenblatt, Joseph, and Little Hoover commission, 262-63

Rouvelas, Marilyn, convert to Greek orthodoxy, 332

Sabloff, Jeremy, archaeology historian, 126

St Geroge, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104, 105, 121, 125

Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce, and salt flats racing, 357, 369

Salt Lake City, Greek immigrants in, 315-16

Salt Lake City Bonneville Speedway Assn., 361

Salt Desert Trails by C. Kelly, 253

Salt Lake Herald, and politics, 380

Salt Lake Telegram, and politics, 380

Salt Lake Tribune, and politics, 370-80

Salt Lake Valley, 1847 pioneer trails and campsites in, 155-64, 159

Salter, Butch, auto racer, car of, 367

Sanderson, John, and Utah Lake, 65

San Juan County: federal lands in, 11; medical practices and problems in, 335-54; prehistoric sites in, 105, 125 See also Antes, Howard Ray, and Navajo Indians

Santa Clara, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 104-5

Saratoga Resort on Utah Lake, 67

Scorup, Emma B., and obstetrics/nursing class in Bluff, 343

Scott, Donald, archaeologist, 113

Scott, Hugh L., colonel, raid on Navajos investigated by, 17-19

Scott, Iris, USHS employee, 272

Seifrit, William C , USHS employee, 291

Severance, Mark, and Wheeler Survey, 103-4

Sevier County, H. Sorensen's 1889 obstetrics/nursing class in, 337

Sharp, Heber, son ofJames, 38, 46

Sharp, James, SLC businessman, sensational testimony of, in Mortensen case, 29-30, 29, 34-38, 41-43, 46

Sharp, John, LDS leader and father of James, 26

Sharp, John C , client of P Mortensen, 37

Sharp, Lizzie Rogers, wife ofJames, 26

Sheets, George A., SLC police detective, and Mortensen case, 29, 39

Shelton, William T., supt. of Shiprock Agency, 13-23

Shepherd, Charles, USHS employee 288

Shepherd, Margaret D., USHS employee, 248, 249

Shipp, Ellis R., physician, obstetrics/nursing classes of, 341, 343

S.S.Sho-Boat, excursion boat on Utah Lake, 64-86, 64, 71, 74, 76, 82

Shoemaker, Samuel, government farmer in N.M., and Navajos, 10-11

Shurtliff, H D., Mortensen juror, 37 n 33

Siler, Andrew, attorney for N.M. traders, 173, 74

Simms, Steven R., archaeologist, 128-29

Simpson, James H., Four Corners exploration of, 102-3

Sinclair, Marguerite L., USHS secretarymanager, 224, 229-32, 231, 235-36, 239

Slayton, Josiah, defense attorney in Don Pedro Leon case, 175, 177-81

Small, Chuck, auto racer, 367-68

Smith, Elma, wife of Elmer, 75, 76, 77, 81,86

Smith, Elmer: co-owner/operator of S.S. Sho-Boat, 68, 87, 71, 76, 85; ice boat of, 69, 69-70

Smith, Elmer R., archaeologist, 116-17, 119,133

Smith, George A., defense attorney in Don Pedro Leon case, 175, 177, 179

Smith, Henry, father of Elmer and Provo pool hall owner, 69

Smith, Jedediah S., papers of, 248

Smith, Jenis, cousin of Elmer Smith, 84

Smith, John S H., USHS employee, 290

Smith, Joseph E: LDS pres., and Mortensen case, 34-35; political influence of, 378

Smith, Joseph, LDS prophet, influence of health reform movements on, 338

Smith, Joseph, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33

Smith-Mansfield, Patricia, USHS employee, 297

Smith, Melvin X: as historic preservation officer, 283-85; as USHS director (1971-86), 286-95, 289

Smith, Norma, S. S. Sho-Boat hostess, 78, 84

Smithsonian Institution, and prehistoric Utah sites, 104-5

Smoot, Abraham O., and USHS founding, 204

Smoot, Reed, U.S senator and GOP factions in Utah, 378-80

Snarr, Glen, USHS board member, 275

Snow, Eliza R., and Relief Society medical program, 341

Snow, Erastus, pioneer campsite discussed by, 160

Snow, Lorenzo, LDS pres., 211

Snow, Zerubbabel, judge in Don Pedro Leon case, 170, 174-75, 176, 178-79

Sorensen, Christen, son of Hannah, 353

Sorensen, Hannah: conversion of, to Mormonism, 336; obstetrics/nursing class of, in Bluff, 335-54, 337, 343; plural marriage of, 353

Sorensen, Maria, daughter of Hannah, 336, 353

Southern California Timing Assn., 371 Southern Paiutes, and prehistoric burial sites, 103-4

Spanish Trail, and Indian slave trade, 18 Spearman, C R., doctor in Monticello, 351

Spry, William, and GOP politics, 379 Standing, Arnold R., guest speaker, 276 Statehood Day, USHS celebrations of, 210, 275-77, 277

Sterling, Le Roy, Mortensen juror, 37 n. 33

StevensJones, Carrie, USHS employee, 264

Stevens, Roswell, arrival of, in SL Valley, 163

Steward, Julian H., archaeologist, 113-17, 115, 121

Stewart, Barnard J., defense attorney in Mortensen case, 32, 38-44, 41

Stewart, Charles B., defense attorney in Mortensen case, 32, 39-44, 41

Stewart, I J., defeat of, by W M McCarty, 377-78

Stewart, Martha R., USHS employee, 246, 284, 298

Stites, Jane (Helena B.), USHS employee, 264

Stout, Hosea, diaries of, 248, 251-52, 269

Straup, Daniel, Utah Supreme Court justice, and W M McCarty, 375, 382

Strauser, Ethel, Springville artist, 138, 138, 145, 149

Strebel, George, Vernal artist/photographer, and art tour bus driver, 138, 138-39, 144, 152, 154

Strickley v. Highland Boy Gold Mine Co. (28 Utah 215), McCarty decision in, 381-82

Strong, Etta, wife of Hewitt, 69, 75, 76, 86

Strong, Hewitt: car built by, 68, 69; as co-

owner/operator of S.S. Sho-Boat, 68-87, 71, 76, 85; ice boat of, 69, 69-70

Strong, Hewitt, Jr., worked on S.S. ShoBoat, 78, 84

Strong, Roland, worked on S.S. Sho-Boat, 78,84

Sullivan, Louis, architect, SLC building of, demolished, 281

Summers, Bob, auto racer, 363

Sun Foundry, Provo, 66

Sutherland, George, and GOP factions, 378-80

Tabula, pleasure boat on GSL, 67

Talmage, James E., Deseret Museum director, 216-18, 220

Teague, Al, auto racer, car of, 370

Teller, H M., U.S senator from Colo., and Navajos, 17, 19

Telluride Motor of Provo, 68—69

Templeton Building, 204

Tezlaff, Teddy, auto racer, 357

Theosophical Hall, 214-15

The Third Molar, sailboat, 76

Thompson, Mickey, auto racer, 365

Thompson, Richard, archaeologist, 125

Thompson, William T., Camp Douglas deserter, 57-58, 60-62

Thomson, Samuel, influence of, on Mormon medical practices, 338

Thorne, Leo, amateur archaeologist, 131

Thurman, Samuel, law partner of W. M. McCarty, 376

Tooele, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 116

Topping, Gary, historian, 199, 199

Torgersen, Frank, James Hay's body uncovered by, 30, 31, 35

Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress, 1897 convention of, in Utah, 202-3

Transportation, and freighting of ore and farm products on Utah Lake, 66-68

Tribe, Henry, Mortensen juror, 37, n 33

Tripp, George, amateur archaeologist, 131

Truth, and politics, 380

Uinta Basin, archaeology of, 117, 131

Union Pacific Railroad, route of, 56, 59

United States v Pedro Leon et at., history

and effects of, on Utah and N.M., 165-86

University of Utah:, and archaeological research, 101, 108-10, 114-26, 128

University of Utah Press: A.R Mortensen as director of, 251, 274-75; collaboration of, with USHS, 251

Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, 224

Utah: A Guide to the State, WPA project, 234

Utah Commission, 205-6

Utah Conservatory of Music, 215

Utah Department of Development Services, 263

Utah Division of State History, antiquities section of, 101, 123-26, 132. See also Utah State Historical Society

Utah Heritage Foundation (UHF), organizing of, 281-82

Utah Historic and Cultural Sites Review Committee, 283, 286-87

Utah Historical Quarterly: and A.R Mortensen, 241, 246, 254-57, 257; and E L Cooley, 275, 276; founding of byJ. C Alter, 223-32, 227, 239; influence of D. L. Morgan on, 234-36; sales of, 294, 301; staff of, 284

Utah in the World War, first book published by USHS, 222-23

Utah Lake: beach resorts on, 66-67; boating on, 64, 64-87, 69, 71, 74, 76, 82, 85; effect of drought on, 79, 81; fishing in, 65; ice boating on, 69, 69-70; racing on, 86

Utah Museum of Natural History, 122

Utah Salt Flats Racing Assn., 355, 366, 371

Utah: The Storied Domain byJ C Alter, 224

Utah State Archives, founding of, 241, 259-64, 275

Utah State Capitol: building of, 220; USHS offices in, 220, 232, 233, 239, 241, 243

Utah State Historical Society (USHS); annual meetings of, 213-19, 258-59, 259; Antiquities Section of, 209-10, 212, 218, 287-88; effects of Great Depression on, 226; founding of, 201, 203-13; and historic preservation, 210, 279-88; and historic treks, 276-79, 279; library of, 209, 211-12,

229, 241-42, 244-50, 243, 247, 249, 255, 272, 291; and local history orgs., 285, 299; museum of, 212, 214, 220-21, 293, 296; 100-year history of, 200- 302; publications of, 210, 222-32, 294, 299-300; as a state agency, 219, 261-63; and WWI, 219, 221-23 See also Utah Division of State History, Utah Historical Quarterly, and names of directors, board members, employees, and historians associated with Utah State Parks Commission, 224

Utah State Supreme Court, and W M McCarty's tenure on, 379-84

Utah Statewide Archaeological Survey/Society, 118, 131-32

Ute Indians: and archaeological sites, 103; and slave trade, 167, 169-72, 183-84

Valerio, Lucy, host of KUTV series on The Peoples of Utah, 292

Varanakis, Myra, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 320 ns. 24 and 26, 325 n. 39, 327 n. 45, 328, 328 n. 46, 329 n. 48, 330 n 51

Vesco, Don, auto racer, car of, 370 Vikings, BYU social unit, 78

Wakara, Ute leader, and slave trade, 172-73,175, 183-84

Ward, Margery W., USHS employee, 250, 274

Warrum, Noble, and WWI history, 223, 223

Wasatch Stake Tabernacle, Heber City, preservation of, 274, 281-82, 283

Washington Square, immigrant campground, 160

Watkins, Charles, witness in Mortensen case, 39

Watkins, Richard C , brother-in-law of P. Mortensen, 32, 33, 41, 42

Watldns, Theodore, brother-in-law of P Mortensen, 31-32, 41, 42

Weir/Cosgriff mansion, demolition of, 281

Wells, Emmeline B., and USHS founding, 206

Wells, Heber M.: governor, and Mortensen case, 44; and Navajo grazing controversy, 12-13; and USHS founding, 203, 206, 210, 210-11, 213

Westfrom Fort Bridger, vol 19 of UHQ 235, 254

Western Park Museum, Vernal, 131

Wetherill, John, and antiquities, 107-8 109, 112, 121

Wetherill, Richard, and antiquities, 107-8,112

Wharton, Tom, reporter, 370

Wheeler, George, USGS survey of, 103 Whetstone, Susan, USHS employee, 291 Whitney, Orson E, and Mortensen case, 36

Wilbert, Harry E., highway engineer, 369

Wilkes, C.S., and GSL cruises, 66-67

Willard, Utah, prehistoric sites at, 105, 114

Willey, Gordon, archaeology historian, 126

Williams, Anna R., Ogden artist, 138, 138

Williams, Frederick C , Thomsonian doctor, 338

Williams, Grant, and Sevier Valley Chapter of USHS, 276

Williard, H O., cavalry captain, and raid on Navajos, 17—19

Willson, Bradley W., Mormon identity of D. E. Cross, 63

Wilson, William M "Billy," Geneva Resort mgr., 67

Witte, Wreatha A , USHS employee, 293

Woman's Democratic Club, 215

Woman's Hygienic Physiological Reform Class of H. Sorensen, 335-54

Women: and Greek Orthodox home altar traditions, 312-34, 312, 320, 321, 323, 325, 326; and midwifery and community nursing in southeastern Utah, 335-54, 343

Wondolowski, Sophie, Greek Orthodox traditions of, 326 n. 43, 328, 329 n. 49

Wood, A. M., and pleasure cruises on GSL, 66-67

Wood, Josephine C (Jody, Aunt Jody): birth register of, 311, 349, 352; midwife in Bluff, 340- 41, 343, 349, 352

Wood, Samuel (husband) 349

Wooden, Earl, auto racer, car of, 366 Woodruff, Wilford: diary of, 225; farm of, 158; arrival of, in SL Valley, 160-61

WPA Historical Records Survey and Writers Project, records of, at USHS, 232, 234, 238, 242, 245, 248-49, 259, 261

Wormington, Marie, and prehistoric site near Moab, 124

Wright, Boyd, son-in-law of Elmer Smith, 87

Wurzbach, Emil E, and boating on Utah Lake, 65

Yarrow, H. C , and Wheeler survey, 103-4

Yellow Ochre Club, 1936 BYU art tour group, 148, 152, 154

Young, Alfales, and USHS founding, 204

Young, Brigham: and archaeological ruins, 102; arrival of, in SL Valley, 155, 155, 160-62; attitude of, toward Mexicans, 180, 185; call of, to settle Dixie, 374; and Indian slave trade, 166, 170-71, 175, 181-84; and medicine, 337-39

Young, Levi Edgar, USHS board member, 223, 231

Young, Lorenzo Dow, reminiscences of, 161

Young, Richard W., defeat of, by W. M. McCarty, 379

Young, Royal B., Forest Dale resident and adopted son of B Young, 30 n 14, 32, 40, 44

Yurtinis, John E, and Mormon Battalion Trail study, 284, 285

Zane, Charles S., and USHS founding, 206

Zeller, Deane H., BLM official, and salt flats, 370-71

ZCMI, 26

Zobell, Jane Hay, granddaughter of James R. Hay, 47

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY FELLOWS

THOMAS G. ALEXANDER

JAMES B ALLEN

LEONARDJ ARRINGTON

MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER

EVERETT L COOLEY

S GEORGE ELLSWORTH

BRIGHAM D MADSEN

DEANL . MAY

HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS

CHARLES S. PETERSON

HONORARY LIFE MEMBERS

MILTON C ABRAMS

VEE CARLISLE

EVERETT L COOLEY

LORA CROUCH

J. ELDON DORMAN

JACK GOODMAN

FLORENCE S JACOBSEN

MARGARET D LESTER

LAMAR PETERSEN

HAROLD SCHINDLER

MELVIN T SMITH

MARTHA R STEWART

JEROME STOFFEL

Membership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to everyone. We invite you to join.

If you are already a member you may use this form or a piece of plain paper to purchase gift memberships, or fill in the "Share the Wealth" coupon and we will send those you list a special invitation to join the Society.

MEMBERSHIP APPLICATION

Membership Secretary

Utah State Historical Society

300 Rio Grande Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

Please enter my one-year membership in the category checked. I understand that I will receive Utah Historical Quarterly, the Newsletter, Beehive History, and Utah Preservation. I have enclosed a check or money order in the amount indicated:

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UTA H STATE HISTORICA L SOCIETY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOAR D O F STATE HISTOR Y

PETER L GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1999 Chair

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 2001 Vice-Chair

MAXJ EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1999

MICHAEL W HOMER, Salt Lake City, 2001

LORI HUNSAKER, Brigham City, 2001

KIM A HYATT, Bountiful, 2001

JOEL C. JANETSKI, Provo, 2001

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan, 2001

RICHARD W SADLER, Ogden, 1999

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1999

PAUL D. WILLIAMS, Salt Lake City, 1999

ADMINISTRATIO N

MAXJ EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

Th e Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, unde r state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly an d othe r historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended.

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Tide VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U.S Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240